Tudor (78 page)

11
.
  
R. Leicester and Miller Christy, ‘Queen Elizabeth's Visit to Tilbury in 1588' in
English Historical Review
34 (1919), p. 47.

12
.
  
Susan Frye, ‘The Myth of Elizabeth at Tilbury' in
Sixteenth-Century Journal
23, No. 1 (spring 1992), p. 98.

13
.
  
Captain Cuellar's Adventures
(ed Allington), pp. 49, 52.

14
.
  
Queen Elizabeth I: Selected Works
(ed May), p. 181.

15
.
  
John Clapham,
Elizabeth of England
(ed E. Plummer Read and C. Read) (1951), p. 97.

41
   
Setting Sun

  
1
.
  
Simon Adams,
Leicester and the Court
(1988), p. 149; Frederic Gerschow, ‘Diary of the Duke of Stettin's Journey through England in 1602' in
Transactions of the Royal Historical Society
6 (1892), p. 25.

  
2
.
  
Godfrey Goodman,
The Court of James the First
(from the original manuscript), 2 vols. (1839), Vol. 1, pp. 96–7.

  
3
.
  
Under the 1571 Treasons Act.

  
4
.
  
R. Doleman,
A Conference About the Next Succession to the Crowne of Ingland
(1594), Pt II, p. 183.

  
5
.
  
Ibid., Pt II, p. 196.

  
6
.
  
André de Maisse,
A Journal of all that was Accomplished by Monsieur de Maisse, Ambassador in England from King Henri IV to Queen
Elizabeth, Anno Domini 1597
(ed and tr. G. B. Harrison) (1931), pp. 25, 26, 29.

  
7
.
  
Ibid., p. 82.

  
8
.
  
Merton, PhD diss., op. cit., p. 127.

  
9
.
  
De Maisse,
Journal
, p. 115.

10
.
  
Sir John Harington,
A Tract on the Succession to the Crown,
AD
1602
(1880), p. 106.

11
.
  
Sir John Harington,
Nugae Antiquae, being a miscellaneous collection of original papers
, with notes by Thomas Park FSA, 2 vols. (1804), Vol. 1, pp. 179, 180.

12
.
  
There has been debate over whether this was Shakespeare's play (as I believe) or some other one, and also whether it was intended to overthrow Elizabeth or merely her councillors (on which I take the view that monarchs realised that one easily led to the other). See Jason Scott-Warren, ‘Was Elizabeth I Richard II?: The Authenticity of Lambarde's “Conversation”' in
Review of English Studies
(first published online 14 July 2012).

13
.
  
Gerschow, ‘Diary of the Duke of Stettin's Journey through England' in op. cit., p. 15.

14
.
  
De Lisle,
After Elizabeth
, p. 42 and notes.

15
.
  
Henry Howard to Edward Bruce, in Goodman,
The Court of James the First
, Vol. 1, p. 97n.

16
.
  
De Lisle,
After Elizabeth
, p. 43.

42
   
The Hollow Crown

  
1
.
  
Harington:
Nugae Antiquae
, pp. 321, 33.

  
2
.
  
Harington,
A Tract on the Succession to the Crown,
AD
1602
, p. 45.

  
3
.
  
HMC,
Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Most Honourable the Marquess of Salisbury . . . Preserved at Hatfield House, Hertfordshire
, Vol. 12, pp. 583–7;
The Letters of Arbella Stuart
(ed Sara Jayne Steen) (1994), p. 121.

  
4
.
  
The ambassador's name was Giovanni Carlo Scaramelli.

  
5
.
  
CSPV
9 (1135).

  
6
.
  
William Camden,
The History of Elizabeth, Late Queen of England
, 3rd edition (1675), Bk IV, p. 659.

  
7
.
  
De Lisle,
After Elizabeth
, p. 160.

  
8
.
  
CSPV
9 (1143).

  
9
.
  
Queen Elizabeth I: Selected Works
(ed May), p. 235.

  
10
.
  
De Lisle,
After Elizabeth
, p. 105.

11
.
  
Katherine Howard, Countess of Nottingham.

12
.
  
De Lisle,
After Elizabeth
, pp. 106, 107.

13
.
  
Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus
(ed Henry Foley) (1877), pp. 54, 57.

14
.
  
De Lisle,
After Elizabeth
, pp. 114, 144.

15
.
  
CSPV
9, p. 558.

16
.
  
Catherine Loomis, ‘Elizabeth Southwell's Manuscript Account of the Death of Queen Elizabeth (with text)' in
English Literary Renaissance
(autumn 1996), p. 486; E. Arbert,
English Stuart Tracts 1603–1693
(1903), p. 4.

17
.
  
Queen Elizabeth I: Selected Works
(ed May), p. 10.

18
.
  
John Manningham,
The Diary of John Manningham of the Middle Temple 1602–1603
(ed Robert Parker) (1976), pp. 208, 209.

19
.
  
Hall,
Chronicle
Vol. 2, p. 145;
CSPS
Simancas 1 (144); Manningham,
Diary
, p. 209.

20
.
  
Sir Roger Wilbraham,
The Journal of Sir Roger Wilbraham for the years 1593–1616
(ed Harold Spencer Scott) in
Camden Miscellany
10 (1902), p. 55; de Lisle,
After Elizabeth
, p. 140.

21
.
  
John Lane,
An Elegy Upon the Death of Our Most High and Renowned Princess, Our Late Sovereign Elizabeth
(1603).

Epilogue

  
1
.
  
Mark Lansdale and Julian Boon, a forensic psychologist, spent eighteen months analysing records from the period spanning the king's life. Their research, commissioned by the Richard III Society, concludes he showed few signs of the traits psychologists would use to identify psychopaths today – including narcissism,
deviousness and lack of empathy in close relationships. Instead, it argues, Richard III exhibited signs of suffering from a common psychological syndrome known as ‘intolerance to uncertainty' which ‘is associated with a number of positive aspects of personality, including a strong sense of right and wrong, piety, loyalty to trusted colleagues and a belief in legal processes – all exhibited by Richard.' They say their analysis indicates Richard III was unlikely to have murdered his two nephews, one of whom was to have taken the throne, in the Tower. They argue he would have been ‘more likely to have removed them to a secret place of safety'.

  
2
.
  
Much of what I have said on what Elizabeth learned from Mary is inspired by Judith M. Richards. See ‘The Two Tudor Queens Regnant',
History Today
, Issue 53 (December 2005), p.7–12.

  
3
.
  
Anne McLaren, ‘Memorialising Mary and Elizabeth' in
Tudor Queenship
(ed Hunt and Whitelock), pp. 11–27.

  
4
.
  
The Renaissance altar erected by Pietro Torrigiano, under which Edward was buried and which was to be Henry VII's monument as well as Elizabeth's, was removed during the Civil War, the steps levelled and the ‘stately screen of copper richly gilt' sold to tinkers. Elaborate stained glass put in by Henry VII, which he requested be decorated with ‘stories, images, arms and badges', was similarly broken and replaced with white glass. New stained glass was put in during the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. One – the central east window celebrating the Virgin Mary – is a nod to the original name of what is now called the Henry VII Chapel.

  
5
.
  
Henry VII had disinterred Katherine of Valois from the Lady Chapel while it was being re-built. He was proud of his Valois blood and had given his grandmother's presence in Westminster Abbey as a major reason for choosing to be buried there. Her body, loosely wrapped in lead from the chapel roof, had been placed by Henry V's tomb monument and was still awaiting reburial when he died. Shockingly, however, for the next two hundred years she had remained abandoned in a coffin above
ground, covered by lose boards that exposed her skeleton from the waist up. In 1669 the diarist Samuel Pepys celebrated his birthday by playing a small fee to give her a kiss, and during the eighteenth century, her body, still exposed, was described as only, ‘thinly clothed, with flesh like scrapings of tanned leather'(John Dart,
West-monasterium
, (1723) Vol II p.38). It was Queen Victoria who eventually buried Katherine where she lies today.

  
6
.
  
As well as Owen Tudor, a number of other notable people were buried at Greyfriars including members of the Chaundos, Cornewall and Pembridge families (who were probably all benefactors of the friary). After the Dissolution, the tomb of Sir Richard Pembridge (a renowned knight) was moved to the nave of Hereford Cathedral where it can still be seen. There appears to be no information on what happened to the other bodies buried at Greyfriars. Owen Tudor's grave is said to have been in a chapel or chantry on the northern side of the friary church. Dr Nigel Baker, who has carried out an in-depth study of Hereford, thinks it is likely that Owen Tudor's body is still at the Greyfriars site, along with others. Unfortunately, all remains of the friary have been removed, and it is uncertain where the church was actually situated. There has been little archaeological work done there, although when part of the site was dug over for allotments in 1918 ‘rough stone foundations' were found along with fragments of monastic tiles. In 1933, during digging for drainage trenches, three skeletons were discovered, although their precise location was not recorded. None of them had been decapitated. The Greyfriars site is now mostly covered by housing built in 1971. Thanks to Melissa Seddon of Herefordshire Archeology, Herefordshire Council.

APPENDICES

1
    
What Happened to the body of James IV

  
1
.
  
Ulpian Falwell,
The Flower of Fame
.

  
2
.
  
L&P
1 (2469).

  
3
.
  
Stow,
Survey of London
, pp. 258, 259. (Also note that James V asked for his father's body to be returned in 1532. Hester Chapman,
The Sisters of Henry VIII
(1969), p. 146.)

2
    
The Mysterious Quarrel between Henry VIII and Margaret Douglas

  
1
.
  
The numerous payments Margaret Douglas and her husband made that year to chantry priests, who prayed for souls in purgatory, indicate they were conservative, but Henry VIII's will also paid priests to pray for his soul.
L&P
21, Pt II (181).

  
2
.
  
British Library Harleian MS 289, ff. 73–5.

  
3
.
  
For the Lennoxes' full version, see British Library Cotton MS Caligula B VIII, ff. 184–5.

  
4
.
  
British Library Harleian MS 289, ff. 73–5.

  
5
.
  
British Library Cotton MS Caligula B VIII, f. 165. ‘The Political Life of Margaret Douglas, Countess of Lennox, c. 1530-1578', by Morgan Ring, Gonville and Caius College (2012).

  
6
.
  
From John Gough Nichols,
The Herald & Genealogist
8 (1874), accessed online at
archive.org
.

  
7
.
  
See her will online at National Archives Prob. 11/60.

  
8
.
  
Stow MSS 956. The picture of Henry VIII is based on the Holbein portrait of 1536 which alone disproves the romantic claim that it was once owned by Anne Boleyn. The words are Richard Croke's collection of twelve psalm paraphrases in octosyllabic quatrains (the Penitential Psalms, plus Pss. 18/19, 12/13, 42/43, 105/106 and 138/139). It also includes a ‘Veni Creator' in the same metre. Although the psalms are in English, nothing about Croke's paraphrases – which are translated directly and literally from the Vulgate – points to a particularly reformed sensibility. They look very much like an outgrowth and adaptation of the rhymed hymns in English Books of Hours. Also see Tait, ‘The Girdle Prayer Book or “Tablett”' p. 30 (
Jewellery Studies
, Vol. 2 (1985), pp. 29–57).