Tudor (73 page)

                        
Remember that your fellow resteth here

                        
For I loved much, though I unworthy were.

       
(The original last line reads ‘But I louyd eke'. Remley, ‘Mary Shelton' in op. cit., p. 52.)

  
6
.
  
The abortive attempt to make a tomb for Henry VIII at Westminster Abbey began in 1518/19 with payments being made intermittently up to 1536 when payments ceased; various sculptors were involved. Henry had seen the completion of the magnificent high altar he had built in the Lady Chapel of Westminster Abbey in 1526: the year he fell in love with Anne Boleyn.

  
7
.
  
Kevin Sharpe,
Selling the Tudor Monarchy
(2009), p. 137.

  
8
.
  
Ibid., p. 136; Ives,
The Reformation Experience
, p. 199.

  
9
.
  
The image in Canterbury, commissioned in Henry VII's will, was to have the words ‘Saint Thomas Intercede for Me' written in enamel letters on it.

10
.
  
The friar was John Forrest, the image was Derfel Gadran, said to have been one of King Arthur's warriors.

11
.
  
The reformer was John Lambert.

12
.
  
CSPS
6, Pt I (166).

13
.
  
This took place at the royal hunting lodge at Royston in Hertfordshire; see ‘Edward VI',
Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
.

14
.
  
Margaret and James IV, Mary and Louis XII.

15
.
  
L&P
15 (22).

16
.
  
Warnicke,
The Marrying of Anne of Cleves
, p. 141.

17
.
  
High cholesterol levels can affect sexual performance as the tiny artilleries in the penis shut down. Obesity is also associated with hormonal changes and lowered testosterone levels. Although weight has not previously been linked with Henry's impotence, it may help explain his failure to father more children.

18
.
  
See the illuminations depicting Henry in his psalter, painted in 1540 by Jean Mallard. In the one I refer to here he is depicted as the biblical King David playing his harp. It was a comparison designed to delight the king who saw himself as David's heir: a warrior, musician and theocratic monarch.
http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/sacredtexts/henrypsalter.html
.

19
.
  
They married at Oatlands Palace, Surrey.
See Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
.

20
.
  
The former Margaret Tudor died at Methven Castle on 18 October. She had asked that her daughter might have her goods, but the day following her death James V had issued counter-orders ‘to lock up her goods to his use';
L&P
16 (1307). She was buried in the Carthusian abbey at Perth. Unfortunately, like her husband James IV, her body would not rest in peace. The tomb was to be desecrated and her skeleton burned by Protestant reformers in 1559.

21
.
  
Charles de Marillac; Starkey,
Six Wives
, p. 651.

22
.
  
The music teacher, Henry Manox, had not, however, had her ‘maidenhead' although she had promised it to him; Starkey,
Six Wives
, p. 669.

23
.
  
L&P
16 (1334).

24
.
  
The king's niece, Margaret Douglas, was to be sent to Kenninghall in Norfolk, the family seat of the duke.
L&P
16 (1331).

25
.
  
L&P
16 (1332).

26
.
  
L&P
16 (1333);
State Papers During the Reign of Henry VIII
, 11 vols. (1830–2), Vol. 1, p. 694.

27
.
  
State Papers During the Reign of Henry VIII
, Vol. 1, p. 694.

25
   
The Last Years of Henry VIII

  
1
.
  
Hamilton Papers
(ed J. Bain), Vol. 1 (1890), pp. 337, 338. One, Oliver Sinclair, was carrying the banner.

  
2
.
  
George Douglas' report:
Hamilton Papers
(ed J. Bain), Vol. 1 (1890), pp. 339, 340.

  
3
.
  
Marjorie Bruce.

  
4
.
  
So claimed John Knox.

  
5
.
  
Sir John Haywood,
The Life and Reign of King Edward VI
(1630), p. 196.

  
6
.
  
L&P
18, Pt I (210), Pt II (202) (257) (275) (281). There were doubts about the legitimacy of the governor of Scotland and heir
presumptive, the Earl of Arran, who had also emerged as an enemy of Henry's plans.

  
7
.
  
L&P
19, Pt I (522): ‘if Lenaxe perform the above covenants according to the king's expectation, and Lady Margaret and Lenaxe on seeing each other agree for that purpose, he will both agree to the marriage and further consider Lenaxe's good service'.

  
8
.
  
Matthew Stuart, Earl of Lennox, quoting Robert Lindsay of Pittscottie,
Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
.

  
9
.
  
L&P
19, Pt I (799).

10
.
  
L&P
19, Pt II (201). Her husband was already back in Scotland on the king's business. While she was named, her cousins Frances and Eleanor were not.

11
.
  
Henry, Lord Darnley was named after the king and was then six months old. Her first son had died.

12
.
  
L&P
21, Pt I (969).

13
.
  
William Thomas quoted in John Strype,
Ecclesiastical Memorials Relating Chiefly to Religion
, Vol. 2, Pt I (1822), p. 13.

14
.
  
British Library Harleian MSS 5087 f. 11; Chris Skidmore,
Edward VI
:
The Lost King of England
(2007), pp. 38, 39.

15
.
  
Anne of Beaujeu had played such a role for her brother Charles VIII of France when Henry VII was in exile there.

16
.
  
Starkey,
Six Wives
, pp. 752–64.

17
.
  
Thank you to Tom Freeman for allowing me to see a forthcoming and groundbreaking essay on the story recorded in Foxe on which my comments are based. It will appear under the title ‘One survived' in a collection on Henry VIII and his court edited by Tom Betteridge and Suzannah Lipscomb, and is due to be published by Ashgate in the UK in 2013.

18
.
  
William Herbert was a distant kinsman of Henry VII's guardian.

19
.
  
Thanks to John Guy for drawing my attention to the fact the Stuarts were ignored in Henry's will, and not barred.

20
.
  
L&P
21, Pt II (181).

21
.
  
According to this story Henry was so protective of the reputation of this individual, who acted as an English spy in Scotland, that Margaret's accusations against him ‘ever after lost a part of [the king's] heart, as appeared at his death'. British Library Cotton MS Caligula B VIII, ff. 165–8.

22
.
  
She would affectionately keep a tablet picture of the king until she died. See her will online, National Archives Prob 11/60; also see my Appendix on Margaret Douglas.

26
   
Elizabeth in Danger

  
1
.
  
Thurley,
Royal Palaces
, p. 236.

  
2
.
  
His eyes were described as grey by Girolamo Cardano,
Opera
, Vol. 5 (1663), pp. 503–8.

  
3
.
  
L&P
19, Pt II (201).

  
4
.
  
David Starkey,
Elizabeth: The Struggle for the Throne
(2000), p. 39.

  
5
.
  
‘Bede' is a prayer, from Old English ‘bidden', to pray.

  
6
.
  
In Catholic legend it was at Syon that a prophecy given by the Observant Franciscan William Peto is said to have come to pass. Peto had given a sermon before Henry VIII at Greenwich in 1532, comparing Henry VIII to King Ahab – whose wife Jezebel had replaced the Lord's true prophets with the pagan priests of Baal, the obvious inference being that Boleyn was England's Jezebel. Peto went on to warn Henry that if he continued to behave like Ahab then his corpse would suffer the same indignity that had befallen the Israelite king (after his death wild dogs had licked Ahab's blood). It was later said that at Syon Henry's coffin burst as a result of gases leaking from the putrefying body and a dog licked the blood that dripped from it.

  
7
.
  
Jennifer Loach, ‘The Function of Ceremonial in the Reign of Henry VIII' in
Past & Present
142, I (1994), p. 63.

  
8
.
  
Francesco Cagliotti, ‘Benedetto da Rovezzano in England: New Light on the Cardinal Wolsey-Henry VII Tomb' in
The Anglo-Florentine Art for the Early Tudors
(eds Cinzia Maria Sicca and
Louis A. Waldman) (2012), pp. 177–293. My thanks to Dr Clare Rider at St George's Chapel Archives and Chapter Library for further information.

  
9
.
  
Strype,
Memorials
, Vol. 2, Pt II (1822), pp. 292–311.

10
.
  
Nicander Nacius, quoted in Susan E. James,
Kateryn Parr: The Making of a Queen
(1999), p. 88.

11
.
  
The sculptor Nicholas Bellin de Modena, who would work on Henry's tomb in the Westminster Abbey workshop with his wages paid by Edward VI, was unable to finish his work because the new iconoclastic ‘priests of Westminster' kept throwing him out as a papist (Judith M. Walker,
English Literary Renaissance
26, issue 3 [September 1996], n. 17 p. 520). Edward VI asked in his will that money be put aside to finish the tomb, but although Elizabeth I would eventually move what was left at Westminster to Windsor, nothing further was done. Henry VIII's unfinished tomb was eventually demolished by order of the Long Parliament in 1646, the brass statues sold to pay for the garrison at Windsor, with the additional order ‘that such images as may be used in any superstitious manner be defaced'. At least some parts of the monument were discovered during the reign of Charles II, but what happened then is unknown. (Windsor Chapter Acts, 31 May 1661.) Two nine-feet tall bronze candlesticks ended up in St Bavon's Cathedral in Ghent, replicas of which were later commissioned by Edward VII, and now stand by the high altar in St George's. There is also some debate over two large angels, which may be original or copies of those from Henry VIII's tomb, and which were sold by Sotheby's in 1994. It was also under Edward VI that the chapel's relics were removed to be sold or destroyed. These appear to have included Henry VI's hat and spurs (which were mentioned in an inventory of 1534) and a piece of his bedstead, which were revered by pilgrims to his shrine.
The Inventories of St George's Chapel, Windsor Castle, 1384–1667
(ed Maurice Bond) (1947), pp. 284–6. Nevertheless, Edward's will repeated Henry
VIII's instructions that the tomb be made more princely.
Literary Remains of King Edward the Sixth
(ed J. G. Nichols) (1857), p. 576. The tomb was described by Paul Hentzner in 1598, but John Speed recorded that it had disappeared by 1611. It appears to have fallen into decay and so been removed. Edward IV's tomb also suffered: his coat of mail and banner, which were hung over his grave, were plundered during the Civil War in 1642. Thanks to Dr Clare Rider for this information.

12
.
  
CSPS
9 pp. 46, 47.

13
.
  
Ives,
The Reformation Experience
, p. 181.

14
.
  
Stow,
Survey of London
, p. 54.

15
.
  
De Lisle,
Sisters
, p. 37.

16
.
  
Chronicle of the Grey Friars
, p. 55.

17
.
  
J. L. McIntosh,
From Heads of Household to Heads of State
(2009), Appendix A. The following year, Henry VIII's widow Katherine Parr told her Master of the Horse that all the lands given to supporters of the Protectorate should be returned to the king when he reached his majority: a conversation that suggests there were concerns about the morality of their actions.