Triumph and Tragedy (The Second World War) (70 page)

In spite of our gloomy warning and forebodings
Yalta has turned out very well so far. It is a sheltered
strip of austere Riviera, with winding Corniche roads.

The villas and palaces, more or less undamaged, are of
an extinct imperialism and nobility. In these we squat
on furniture carried with extraordinary effort from
Moscow. The plumbing and road-making has been
done without regard to cost in a few days by our hosts,
whose prodigality exceeds belief. All the Chiefs of Staff
have taken a holiday today to look at the battlefields of
Balaklava. This is not being stressed in our conversations with our Russian friends.

As the time is short we shall, unless we hear from
you to the contrary, be acting in the sense of this
telegram.

The remaining details were settled very quickly. When we met again on the afternoon of February 8 we agreed to admit two of the Soviet republics to the United Nations and to hold the first conference of the World Organisation on Wednesday, April 25. Only those States who had declared war on the common enemy by March 1 or had already

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signed the United Nations declaration would be invited. I agreed with Stalin that this would mean asking a certain number of nations who had not played a very good part in the war and had watched until they saw which side was going to win, but it would all help to depress Germany.

That night we all dined together with Stalin at the Yusupov Palace. The speeches were recorded, and may be printed here. Among other things, I said:

It is no exaggeration or compliment of a florid kind
when I say that we regard Marshal Stalin’s life as most
precious to the hopes and hearts of all of us. There
have been many conquerors in history, but few of them
have been statesmen, and most of them threw away
the fruits of victory in the troubles which followed their
wars. I earnestly hope that the Marshal may be spared
to the people of the Soviet Union and to help us all to
move forward to a less unhappy time than that through
which we have recently come. I walk through this world
with greater courage and hope when I find myself in a
relation of friendship and intimacy with this great man,
whose fame has gone out not only over all Russia, but
the world.

Stalin replied in flattering terms. He said:
I propose a toast for the leader of the British Empire,
the most courageous of all Prime Ministers in the world,
embodying political experience with military leadership,
who when all Europe was ready to fall flat before Hitler
said that Britain would stand and fight alone against
Germany even without any allies. Even if the existing
and possible allies deserted her he said she would
continue to fight. To the health of the man who is born
once in a hundred years, and who bravely held up the
banner of Great Britain. I have said what I feel, what I
have at heart, and of what I am conscious.

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I then struck a graver note:

I must say that never in this war have I felt the
responsibility weigh so heavily on me, even in the
darkest hours, as now during this Conference. But now,
for the reasons which the Marshal has given, we see
that we are on the crest of the hill and there is before
us the prospect of open country. Do not let us
underestimate the difficulties. Nations, comrades in
arms, have in the past drifted apart within five or ten
years of war. Thus toiling millions have followed a
vicious circle, falling into the pit, and then by their
sacrifices raising themselves up again. We now have a
chance of avoiding the errors of previous generations
and of making a sure peace. People cry out for peace
and joy. Will the families be reunited? Will the warrior
come home? Will the shattered dwellings be rebuilt?

Will the toiler see his home? To defend one’s country is
glorious, but there are greater conquests before us.

Before us lies the realisation of the dream of the poor

— that they shall live in peace, protected by our
invincible power from aggression and evil. My hope is in
the illustrious President of the United States and in
Marshal Stalin, in whom we shall find the champions of
peace, who after smiting the foe will lead us to carry on
the task against poverty, confusion, chaos, and
oppression. That is my hope, and, speaking for
England, we shall not be behindhand in our efforts. We
shall not weaken in supporting your exertions. The
Marshal spoke of the future. This is the most important
of all. Otherwise the oceans of bloodshed will have
been useless and outrageous. I propose the toast to
the broad sunlight of victorious peace.

Stalin answered. I had never suspected that he could be so expansive.

I am talking [he declared], as an old man; that is why
I am talking so much. But I want to drink to our alliance,
that it should not lose its character of intimacy, of its
free expression of views. In the history of diplomacy I
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know of no such close alliance of three Great Powers
as this, when allies had the opportunity of so frankly
expressing their views. I know that some circles will
regard this remark as naïve.

In an alliance the allies should not deceive each
other. Perhaps that is naïve? Experienced diplomatists
may say, “Why should I not deceive my ally?” But I as a
naïve man think it best not to deceive my ally even if he
is a fool. Possibly our alliance is so firm just because
we do not deceive each other; or is it because it is not
so easy to deceive each other? I propose a toast to the
firmness of our Three-Power Alliance. May it be strong
and stable; may we be as frank as possible.

And later:

For the group of workers who are recognised only
during a war, and whose services after a war are
quickly forgotten. While there is a war these men are
favoured and meet with respect not only of people of
their own kind, but also that of the ladies. After a war
their prestige goes down and the ladies turn their backs
on them.

I raise my glass to the military leaders.

He had no illusions about the difficulties which lay before us.

A change has taken place in European history, a
radical change, during these days. It is good to have an
alliance of the principal Powers during a war. It would
not be possible to win the war without the alliance. But
an alliance against the common enemy is something
clear and understandable. Far more complicated is an
alliance after the war for securing lasting peace and the
fruits of victory. That we fought together was a good
thing, but it was not so difficult; on the other hand, that
in these days the work of Dumbarton Oaks has been
consummated and the legal foundations laid for
organising security and strengthening peace is a great
achievement. It is a turning-point.

I propose a toast for the successful conclusion of
Dumbarton Oaks, and that our alliance, born under the

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stress of battle, be made solid and extended after the
war, that our countries should not become engrossed
only in their own affairs, but should remember that,
apart from their own problems, there is the common
cause, and that they should defend the cause of unity
with as much enthusiasm in peace as during the war.

Even Molotov was in genial mood. He said:
I propose a toast for the three representatives of the
Army, Air Force, and Navy of the country which went to
war before we did. They had a hard task and suffered
heavily, and we must recognise that they have
accomplished their task well. I wish them success and
a rapid end of the war in Europe, so that the victorious
armies of the Allies may enter Berlin and hoist their
banner over that city. I drink to the representatives of
the British Army, Air Force, and Navy, Field-Marshal
Brooke, Admiral Cunningham, and Air Marshal Portal,
and to Field-Marshal Alexander.

As we sat at the dinner table in this cordial atmosphere Stalin began talking with me about the past. Some of his remarks remain on record.

The Finnish war [he said], began in the following
way. The Finnish frontier was some twenty kilometres
from Leningrad [he often called it “Petersburg”]. The
Russians asked the Finns to move it back thirty
kilometres, in exchange for territorial concessions in the
north. The Finns refused. Then some Russian frontier
guards were shot at by the Finns and killed. The frontier
guards detachment complained to Red Army troops,
who opened fire on the Finns. Moscow was asked for
instructions. These contained the order to return the
fire. One thing led to another and the war was on. The
Russians did not want a war against Finland.

If the British and French had sent a mission to
Moscow in 1939 containing men who really wanted an
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agreement with Russia the Soviet Government would
not have signed the pact with Ribbentrop.

Ribbentrop told the Russians in 1939 that the British
and Americans were only merchants and would never
fight.

If we, the three Great Powers, now hold together no
other Power can do anything to us.

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3

Russia and Poland: The Soviet

Promise

Lublin and London — The President Takes a
Distant View — British Policy — New Frontiers
and Free Elections — Rival Polish Governments