The Parthenon Enigma (74 page)

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Authors: Joan Breton Connelly

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99.
Herodotos,
Histories
6.117; Pausanias,
Description of Greece
1.32.3. The Plataian allies lost just eleven soldiers; see S. Marinatos, “From the Silent Earth,”
Archaiologika Analekta ex Athenon
3 (1970): 61–68.

100.
Pausanias,
Description of Greece
1.32.3; E. Vanderpool, “A Monument to the Battle of Marathon,”
Hesperia
35 (1966): 93–105; P. Valavanis, “Σκέψεις ως προς τις ταφικές πρακτικές για τους νεκρούς της μάχης του Μαραθώνος,” in Μαραθών η μάχη και ο αρχαίος Δήμος (
Marathon: The Battle and the Ancient Deme
), ed. K. Buraselis and K. Meidani (Athens: Institut du livre–A. Kardamitsa, 2010), 73–98; N. G. L. Hammond, “The Campaign and the Battle of Marathon,”
JHS
88 (1968): 14–17.

101.
Korres, “Architecture of the Parthenon,” 56; Korres, “History of the Acropolis Monuments,” 41; Dinsmoor, “Date of the Older Parthenon”; W. Kolbe, “Die Neugestaltung der Akropolis nach den Perserkriegen,”
JdI
(1936): 1–64. Hurwit,
Athenian Acropolis
, 133.

102.
Korres,
Stones of the Parthenon;
Korres,
From Pentelicon to the Parthenon
. The foundation pedestal measures 31.4 by 76 meters (103 by 249 feet).

103.
The hypothetical visualization shown on
this page
is not a scientific reconstruction. Korres, “History of the Acropolis Monuments,” 42, notes that only the lowest blocks of the inner walls were in place at that time.

104.
Ibid.; Korres,
From Pentelicon to the Parthenon
, 107–8.

105.
In 483, Themistokles had argued that the revenue from the Laureion silver mines should be used for the building of a fleet. For the building of the
Athenian navy, and Themistokles’s victory at Salamis, see Hale,
Lords of the Sea
, and B. S. Strauss,
The Battle of Salamis: The Naval Encounter That Saved Greece—and Western Civilization
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004).

106.
Thucydides,
Peloponnesian War
1.93.1–3.

107.
See M. Korres, “On the North Acropolis Wall,” and “Topographic Issues of the Acropolis: The Pre-Parthenon, Parthenon I, Parthenon II,” in
Archaeology of the City of Athens
,
http://www.eie.gr/archaeologia/En/chapter_more_3.aspx
, for full discussion of history of scholarship on the display of these blocks in the Acropolis north fortification wall. Korres explains that the display was first studied in 1807 by W. M. Leake, who identified it as what Hesychios had in mind when he wrote (s.v. ἑκατόμπεδος) “… νεὼς ἐν τ ’Ακροπόλει τ Παρθένᾳ κατασκευαθεις ὑπὸ ’Αθηναίων, μείζων του̂ ἐμπρησθέντος ὑπὸ τω̂ν Περσω̂ν ποσὶ πεντήκοντα.” Thereafter, several scholars attributed both the column drums and the triglyph-metope entablature (set in the wall just to the south of the repositioned column drums) as coming from the Older Parthenon. This was corrected
by W. Dörpfeld, “Der alte Athena-Tempel auf der Akropolis zu Athen,”
AM
10 (1885): 275–77, who understood that the triglyph-metope and architrave blocks came not from the Older Parthenon, but from the Old Athena Temple.

108.
Ferrari, “Ancient Temple on the Acropolis at Athens,” 14–16, 25–28, argues that Dörpfeld was correct in his hypothesis that the Old Athena Temple remained standing, albeit without a peristyle, until the end of antiquity. See W. Dörpfeld, “Der alte Athenatempel auf der Akropolis II,”
AM
12 (1887): 25–61; W. Dörpfeld, “Der alte Athenatempel auf der Akropolis III,”
AM
12 (1887): 190–211; W. Dörpfeld, “Der alte Athenatempel auf der Akropolis IV,”
AM
15 (1890): 420–39; W. Dörpfeld, “Der alte Athenatempel auf der Akropolis V,”
AM
22 (1897): 159–78; W. Dörpfeld, “Das Hekatompedonin Athens,”
JdI
34 (1919): 39. Contra Ferrari, see Kissas,
Archaische Architektur der Athener Akropolis
and J. Pakkanen, “The Erechtheion Construction Work Inventory (
IG
I
3
474) and the Dörpfeld Temple,”
AJA
110 (2006): 275–81. Korres, “History of the Acropolis Monuments,” 42, 46–47, allows for the survival of the cella of the Old Athena Temple. See Paton et al.,
Erechtheum
, 473–74, and Hurwit,
Athenian Acropolis
, 142–44, 159, for the opisthodomos of the temple as being repaired and serving as a treasury long after the Persian destruction. T. Linders, “The Location of the Opisthodomos: Evidence from the Temple of Athena Parthenos Inventories,”
AJA
111 (2007): 777–82, argues that the opisthodomos of the Old Athena Temple was destroyed by fire in 406/405
B.C.
and thereafter was no longer used as a treasury. This function was then transferred to the Erechtheion.

3 PERIKLEAN POMP

1.
Plutarch,
Life of Perikles
4–6.

2.
Aristophanes,
Archarnians
528–29, speaks of Perikles “on his Olympian height,” letting loose thunderbolts.

3.
Ancient sources on Perikles are collected in S. V. Tracy,
Pericles: A Sourcebook and Reader
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009); for shorter overviews, see V. Azoulay,
Périclès: La démocratie athénienne à l’épreuve du grand homme
(Paris: Armand Colin, 2010), 12–19; Will,
Perikles
, 12–22. The bibliography on Perikles is immense. See, among others: C. Schubert,
Perikles: Tyrann oder Demokrat?
(Stuttgart: Reclam, 2012); G. A. Lehmann,
Perikles: Staatsmann und Stratege im klassischen Athen: Eine Biographie
(Munich: C. H. Beck, 2008); C. Mossé,
Périclès: L’inventeur de la démocratie
(Paris: Payot, 2005); Podlecki,
Perikles and His Circle;
Will,
Perikles;
C. Schubert,
Perikles
(Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1994); Kagan,
Pericles of Athens
.

4.
This came after Miltiades’s failed clandestine expedition against Paros in 488
B.C.
For the rivalry of Perikles and Kimon, see Podlecki,
Perikles and His Circle
, 5–45; Carpenter,
Architects of the Parthenon
, 69–81.

5.
Plutarch,
Life of Kimon
13.7–8. See Martin-McAuliffe and Papadopoulos, “Framing Victory”; Camp,
Archaeology of Athens
, 63–72; C. Delvoye, “Art et politique à Athènes à l’époque de Cimon,” in
Le monde grec: Pensée, littérature, histoire, documents: Hommages à Claire Préaux
, ed. J. Bingen, G. Cambier, and G. Nachtergael (Brussels: Université de Bruxelles, 1975), 801–7; Carpenter,
Architects of the Parthenon
, 69–81; Boersma,
Athenian Building Policy
, 42–64.

6.
Plutarch,
Life of Perikles
10.2. Translation: Kagan,
Pericles of Athens
, 83.

7.
Aristotle,
Athenian Constitution
22.5.

8.
Plutarch,
Life of Perikles
37.2–5; Aristotle,
Athenian Constitution
26.3. For various interpretations of the law, see J. Blok, “Perikles’ Citizenship Law: A New Perspective,”
Historia
58 (2009): 141–70; I. A. Vartsos, “Fifth Century Athens: Citizens and Citizenship,”
Parnassos
50 (2008): 65–74; Podlecki,
Perikles and His Circle
, 159–61; C. Leduc, “Citoyenneté et parenté dans la cité des Athéniens: De Solon à Périclès,”
Métis
9–10 (1994–1995): 51–68; A. French, “Pericles’ Citizenship Law,”
Ancient History Bulletin
8 (1994): 71–75; A. Boegehold, “Perikles’ Citizenship Law of 451/0
B.C.
”; K. R. Walters, “Perikles’ Citizenship Law,”
ClAnt
2 (1983): 314–36; C. Patterson,
Pericles’ Citizenship Law of 451–50
B.C.
(Salem, N.H.: Ayer, 1981); Davies, “Athenian Citizenship”; S. C. Humphreys, “The Nothoi of Kynosarges,”
JHS
94 (1974): 88–95; A. W. Gomme, “Two Problems of Athenian Citizenship Law,”
CP
29 (1934): 123–40.

9.
Connelly,
Portrait of a Priestess
, 198–202.

10.
Plato,
Phaidros
269e; Thucydides,
Peloponnesian War
2.35.

11.
Plato,
Protagoras
319e–320a; Plato,
Gorgias
515d–516d;
Suda
, s.v. Περικλη̂ς.

12.
Translation: Tracy,
Pericles
, 28. See Mario Telò,
Eupolidis Demi
, Biblioteca nazionale, Serie dei classici greci e latini, n.s., 14 (Florence: Felice Le Monnier 2007), frag. 1.

13.
Ferrari, “Ancient Temple on the Acropolis at Athens,” 24.

14.
Lykourgos,
Against Leokrates
81. Translation: Burtt,
Minor Attic Orators, II
, 73.

15.
For inscribed stele dating to third quarter of fourth century
B.C.
found at Acharnai: D. L. Kellogg, “Οὐκ ἐλάττω παραδώσω τὴν πατρίδα: The Ephebic Oath and the Oath of Plataia in Fourth-Century Athens,”
Mouseion
8 (2008): 355–76; P. Siewert,
Der Eid von Plataia
(Munich: Beck, 1972); G. Daux, “Deux stèles d’Acharne,” in Χαριστήριον εἰς Αναστάσιον Κ. Ορλἀνδον (Athens: Archaeological Society, 1965), 1:78–90; A. Blamire,
Plutarch: Life of Kimon
(London: Institute of Classical Studies, 1989), 151–52; J. V. A. Fine,
The Ancient Greeks: A Critical History
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), 323–28; R. Meiggs,
The Athenian Empire
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), 504–7. But see also P. M. Krentz, “The Oath of Marathon, Not Plataia?,”
Hesperia
76 (2007): 731–42.

16.
M. Korres, “The Golden Age of Pericles and the Parthenon,” in Koutsadelis,
Dialogues on the Acropolis
, 55.

17.
Scholars date the negotiation of the Peace of Kallias from as early as 465
B.C.
to circa 449. See E. Badian,
From Plataea to Potidaea
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 1–72, esp. 19–20, and E. Badian, “The Peace of Callias,”
JHS
107 (1987): 13–14, where it is argued there was a peace negotiated by Kallias after the Battle of Eurymedon that was not kept and that was renewed after Kimon’s death. See also L. J. Samons II, “Kimon, Kallias, and Peace with Persia,”
Historia
47 (1998): 129–40; G. L. Cawkwell, “The Peace Between Athens and Persia,”
Phoenix
51 (1997): 115–30; H. B. Mattingly,
The Athenian Empire Restored: Epigraphic and Historical Studies
(Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996), 107–16, which reprints a corrected version of H. B. Mattingly, “The Peace of Kallias,”
Historia
14 (1965): 273–81; D. M. Lewis, “The Thirty Years’ Peace,” in
The Cambridge Ancient History
, 2nd ed., ed. D. M. Lewis, J. Boardman, J. K. Davies, and M. Ostwald (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 5:121–27; R. A. Moysey, “Thucydides, Kimon, and the Peace of Kallias,”
Ancient History Bulletin
5 (1991): 30–35; J. Walsh, “The Authenticity and the Dates of the Peace of Callias and the Congress Decree,”
Chiron
11 (1981): 31–63; A. R. Hands, “In Favour of a Peace of Kallias,”
Mnemosyne
28 (1975): 193–95; S. K. Eddy, “On the Peace of Callias,”
CP
65 (1970): 8–14.

18.
Plutarch,
Life of Perikles
14.1.

19.
Ibid.

20.
According to Plutarch, it was Kimon who first allowed members of the confederation to pay money instead of contributing ships: “Before they knew it, they were tributary subjects rather than allies.”
Life of Kimon
11.1–3. Thucydides,
Peloponnesian War
1.99, gives the same story but does not mention Kimon. See Carpenter,
Architects of the Parthenon
, 75–76.

21.
I thank Peter Van Alfen of the American Numismatic Association for these calculations, which he bases on wage equivalencies rather than silver commodity prices. If we calculated on the basis of present-day silver commodity prices (ca. $20/ounce),
we’d only get about $10 million for the 600 talents. But silver commodity prices are historically low today. Evidence from the fourth century
B.C
. shows that the daily wage for a skilled worker at Athens was 1 drachm. This can be estimated, somewhat conservatively, at $100 today. So, 1 drachm = $100; 6000 drachms/talent = $600,000 × 600 = $360,000,000.

22.
Thucydides,
Peloponnesian War
2.13.5; Diodoros Siculus,
Library
12.40.3.

23.
For the term “empire” (ἀρχή), see Thucydides,
Peloponnesian War
1.67.4, 1.75, 1.76.2, and 1.77.2–3.

24.
Lists of the allies and how much they contributed were carved on stone “tribute lists” (
symmachikos phoros
) during the years 454–409
B.C.
; B. D. Meritt, H. T. Wade-Gery, and M. F. McGregor,
The Athenian Tribute Lists
, 4 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1939–1953). Every year at the great festival of Dionysos Eleutherios (when the dramatic competitions brought tens of thousands of viewers to the theater on the south slope of the Acropolis), ambassadors from the allied states would present their annual tributes for all to see, depositing their offerings in the orchestra of the theater itself. Thus, Athens was glorified in a highly visible spectacle and, importantly, in the presence of foreign Greeks from all across the empire. See S. Goldhill, “The Great Dionysia and Civic Ideology,”
JHS
107 (1987): 58–76; reprinted in
Nothing to Do with Dionysos? Athenian Drama in Its Social Context
, ed. J. J. Winkler and F. I. Zeitlin (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990), 97–129.

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