Read The Myth of Nazareth: The Invented Town of Jesus Online
Authors: Rene Salm
[161]
The localization of the settlement is considered in Chapter 3.
[162]
See
Appendix 3
: “The Stratigraphy of Megiddo.”
[163]
Italian title: Gli Scavi di Nazaret: dalle origini al secolo XII, 1967.
[164]
This theory is taken up in the articles “Nazareth” in OEANE (1997); AEHL (2001),
etc
.
[165]
Taylor 1993:262.
[166]
Exc
. 319. See also
Exc
. 17, 221, 254, 257.
[167]
1969 edition pp. 27–34; 1992 edition pp. 43–65.
[168]
Finegan 1969:28; 1992:44–45.
[169]
The localization of the settlement is considered in Chp. 3.
[170]
Chp. 1:32–33 & 44.
[171]
Bagatti 1960, col. 318.
[172]
Raisin sec
is French for the English “raisin.”
[173]
Encyclopedia Judaica
, “Nazareth” (1972) col. 900.
[174]
Chp. 1:34–35. Tomb 75 had no artefacts. The latest Iron Age pottery is not funereal, but comes from two silos and from the area around the Church of St. Joseph.
[175]
Exc
. 254.
[176]
Exc
. 29 and 32.
[177]
The article is signed “WHM.”
[178]
Finegan 27.
[179]
It is a resumé of Finegan’s section 35 (1969 edition).
[180]
Kloner 1999:25–28. We shall discuss rolling stones in Chapter Four.
[181]
An alternate dating ends the era a generation later, with the accession of Herod the Great (37 BCE).
[182]
Koester
History
:2.
[183]
Koester
History
:9.
[184]
The Tobiads were of priestly lineage (Schalit 96) yet originally were inveterate enemies of Jerusalem (Neh 2:10;
cf
. Isa 7:6). As early as Persian times the Tobiads insinuated themselves into high priestly affairs through marriage (the High Priest Eliashib,
c
. 450 BCE, was related to a Tobiad—Neh 13:4). They played a decisive role in the divisions leading up to the Maccabean Revolt and proved the biblical writer wrong: “but you [Tobiah and other foreigners] have no share or claim or historic right in Jerusalem” (Neh 2:20;
cf
. 6:1–14; 13:4–14).
[185]
Cf
. Josephus
Ant
. XII.168.
[186]
Tcherikover reviews the career of the Tobiad Joseph at 131
ff
;
cf
. Koester I:210.
[187]
Alt 385.
[188]
Kuhnen:33. Schürer also notes the
poleis
of Hippus and Gadara East of the Jordan (I.1.196). It is possible that Beth-Shan also became a
polis
during Ptolemaic times.
[189]
D. Graf, “Palestine,” in OEANE:225–26; Arav: 98, 99.
[190]
Kuhnen:33.
[191]
Arav 102.
[192]
Chancey 35–36.
[193]
A subsection of “Galiläische Probleme,” in Alt’s
Kleine Shriften zur Geschichte des Volkes Israel
, vol 2.
[194]
Alt 1959:384.
[195]
Barnavi 1992:34.
[196]
Schalit:79–80.
[197]
Freyne 1980:113–114.
[198]
Kuhnen:34. Polybius (5.86) notes that the people of Coele-Syria (Palestine-Phoenicia) favored the Ptolemies over the Seleucids.
Cf
. Josephus
Apion
II.iv.5.
[199]
Schürer I.i.207.
[200]
Schiffman:101–02.
[201]
Chancey:37.
Cf
. I Macc. 5:23.
[202]
Aviam, “Galilee,” NEAEHL, vol. II, 453.
[203]
Chancey:47.
[204]
Aviam:46.
[205]
Maps
: Kopp 1938:193, marked number “3”; DB Suppl. 6 (1960) cols. 319–20, number “2”; Bagatti
Exc
:28, Fig 3 (unmarked, in quadrant D1).
Discussion
: Kopp 1938:192, 194; Bagatti
Exc
:242.
Notes
: The tomb is Bagatti’s number 72. The scale on the DB map is faulty (shortened by one-third). Richmond locates the tomb “about 250 m. south-west” of the Church of the Annunciation.
[206]
Exc
. 242. This is Kopp’s tomb no. 3 (Kopp 1938:192–94).
[207]
QDAP
Vol 1, No. 2, pp. 53–54.
[208]
R. Rosenthal and R. Sivan: 85 (discussion), and 89 (bottom right), following P. Kahane.
[209]
V. Sussman (1985:53) writes that these lamps made their first appearance in Palestine “after the reign of Herod [the Great].” A few years must be allowed for their dissemination to the Lower Galilee, hence, 25 CE is an approximate
terminus post quem
at Nazareth.
[210]
Rosenthal & Sivan: 85, 89.
[211]
Rosenthal & Sivan: 85. It is a “Darom-type” bow-spouted lamp, as described in Sussman 1982:15–19.
[212]
Cf
. the following, all with small wick hole and stubby nozzle: (a) Sellers and Baramki fig. 41:63 & 74. This is their type VIII, which they date “4
th
or early 5
th
century A.D.” (b) Mazar,
Beth She‘arim
vol. III, pl. LXXI:32. He considers the lamp uncommon and its date uncertain, but notes a parallel “in a sixth-century context” (p. 190). (c) Mazar,
Beth She‘arim
vol. I, fig. 23:3 (III–IV CE).
[213]
For descriptions, photos, and sketches specifically of Hellenistic oil lamps see Sussman 6–7; Bailey 18; Goodenough I:140 (chart at vol. II #253), and Rosenthal & Sivan.
[214]
Chapter 2, pp. 65–70.
[215]
“
nach den beigegebenen Bildern der Funde muss man wohl mindestens bis auf 200 v. Chr. heraufgehen
.” Kopp 1938:194.
[216]
English translation of
Die heiligen Stätten der Evangelien
(Regensburg, 1959).
[217]
Exc
. 242.
[218]
Revue Biblique
XL (1931) p. 556. See Chapter 2, pp. 65
ff..
[219]
Also spelled
kok,
plural
kokim
.
[220]
Kuhnen:73; Hachlili:790; Galling, “Nekropole,”
Palästina Jahrbuch
1936, p.76; Goodenough I:66.
[221]
Finegan 1969:185.
[222]
This will be detailed in Chp. 4. Later examples of kokhim tombs are at Beth She‘arim (III–IV CE) and Silet edh-Dhahr (to VII CE).
Cf
. Mazar; Sellers and Baramki.
[223]
Mishna,
Baba Bathra
, 6.8;Babylonian Talmud,
Bava Bathra
100b–102b.
[224]
Hachlili:789; Finegan:189,
etc
.
[225]
Hachlili, “Burials,” ABD I:789.
Loculus
(pl.
loculi
) is another name often used interchangeably with
kokh
(Hachlili 789, Finegan 189). However, with some authors (
e.g
. Goodenough I/66, 88)
loculus
refers to what has been called the ‘shelf’ tomb (see Finegan/184). Because of its non-uniform use, the term
loculus
is avoided in this book.