The Myth of Nazareth: The Invented Town of Jesus (79 page)

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[161]
  The localization of the settlement is considered in Chapter 3.

[162]
  See
Appendix 3
: “The Stratigraphy of Megiddo.”

[163]
  Italian title: Gli Scavi di Nazaret: dalle origini al secolo XII, 1967.

[164]
  This theory is taken up in the articles “Nazareth” in OEANE (1997); AEHL (2001),
etc
.

[165]
  Taylor 1993:262.

[166]
 
Exc
. 319. See also
Exc
. 17, 221, 254, 257.

[167]
  1969 edition pp. 27–34; 1992 edition pp. 43–65.

[168]
  Finegan 1969:28; 1992:44–45.

[169]
 
The localization of the settlement is considered in Chp. 3.

[170]
  Chp. 1:32–33 & 44.

[171]
  Bagatti 1960, col. 318.

[172]
 
Raisin sec
is French for the English “raisin.”

[173]
   Encyclopedia Judaica
, “Nazareth” (1972) col. 900.

[174]
  Chp. 1:34–35. Tomb 75 had no artefacts. The latest Iron Age pottery is not funereal, but comes from two silos and from the area around the Church of St. Joseph.

[175]
   Exc
. 254.

[176]
 
Exc
. 29 and 32.

[177]
  The article is signed “WHM.”

[178]
  Finegan 27.

[179]
  It is a resumé of Finegan’s section 35 (1969 edition).

[180]
  Kloner 1999:25–28. We shall discuss rolling stones in Chapter Four.

[181]
 
An alternate dating ends the era a generation later, with the accession of Herod the Great (37 BCE).

[182]
  Koester
History
:2.

[183]
  Koester
History
:9.

[184]
  The Tobiads were of priestly lineage (Schalit 96) yet originally were inveterate enemies of Jerusalem (Neh 2:10;
cf
. Isa 7:6). As early as Persian times the Tobiads insinuated themselves into high priestly affairs through marriage (the High Priest Eliashib,
c
. 450 BCE, was related to a Tobiad—Neh 13:4). They played a decisive role in the divisions leading up to the Maccabean Revolt and proved the biblical writer wrong: “but you [Tobiah and other foreigners] have no share or claim or historic right in Jerusalem” (Neh 2:20;
cf
. 6:1–14; 13:4–14).

[185]
 
Cf
. Josephus
Ant
. XII.168.

[186]
  Tcherikover reviews the career of the Tobiad Joseph at 131
ff
;
cf
. Koester I:210.

[187]
  Alt 385.

[188]
  Kuhnen:33. Schürer also notes the
poleis
of Hippus and Gadara East of the Jordan (I.1.196). It is possible that Beth-Shan also became a
polis
during Ptolemaic times.

[189]
  D. Graf, “Palestine,” in OEANE:225–26; Arav: 98, 99.

[190]
  Kuhnen:33.

[191]
  Arav 102.

[192]
 
Chancey 35–36.

[193]
  A subsection of “Galiläische Probleme,” in Alt’s
Kleine Shriften zur Geschichte des Volkes Israel
, vol 2.

[194]
 
Alt 1959:384.

[195]
  Barnavi 1992:34.

[196]
  Schalit:79–80.

[197]
  Freyne 1980:113–114.

[198]
  Kuhnen:34. Polybius (5.86) notes that the people of Coele-Syria (Palestine-Phoenicia) favored the Ptolemies over the Seleucids.
Cf
. Josephus
Apion
II.iv.5.

[199]
  Schürer I.i.207.

[200]
  Schiffman:101–02.

[201]
  Chancey:37.
Cf
. I Macc. 5:23.

[202]
 
Aviam, “Galilee,” NEAEHL, vol. II, 453.

[203]
 
Chancey:47.

[204]
 
Aviam:46.

[205]
 
Maps
: Kopp 1938:193, marked number “3”; DB Suppl. 6 (1960) cols. 319–20,  number “2”; Bagatti
Exc
:28, Fig 3 (unmarked, in quadrant D1).
Discussion
: Kopp 1938:192, 194; Bagatti
Exc
:242.
Notes
: The tomb is Bagatti’s number 72. The scale on the DB map is faulty (shortened by one-third). Richmond locates the tomb “about 250 m. south-west” of the Church of the Annunciation.

[206]
 
Exc
. 242. This is Kopp’s tomb no. 3 (Kopp 1938:192–94).

[207]
 
QDAP
Vol 1, No. 2, pp. 53–54.

[208]
  R. Rosenthal and R. Sivan: 85 (discussion), and 89 (bottom right), following P. Kahane.

[209]
  V. Sussman (1985:53) writes that these lamps made their first appearance in Palestine “after the reign of Herod [the Great].” A few years must be allowed for their dissemination to the Lower Galilee, hence, 25 CE is an approximate
terminus post quem
at Nazareth.

[210]
 
Rosenthal & Sivan: 85, 89.

[211]
  Rosenthal & Sivan: 85. It is a “Darom-type” bow-spouted lamp, as described in Sussman 1982:15–19.

[212]
 
Cf
. the following, all with small wick hole and stubby nozzle: (a) Sellers and Baramki fig. 41:63 & 74. This is their type VIII, which they date “4
th
or early 5
th
century A.D.” (b) Mazar,
Beth She‘arim
vol. III, pl. LXXI:32. He considers the lamp uncommon and its date uncertain, but notes a parallel “in a sixth-century context” (p. 190). (c) Mazar,
Beth She‘arim
vol. I, fig. 23:3 (III–IV CE).

[213]
 
For descriptions, photos, and sketches specifically of Hellenistic oil lamps see Sussman 6–7; Bailey 18; Goodenough I:140 (chart at vol. II #253), and Rosenthal & Sivan.

[214]
 
Chapter 2, pp. 65–70.

[215]
 

nach den beigegebenen Bildern der Funde muss man wohl mindestens bis auf 200 v. Chr. heraufgehen
.” Kopp 1938:194.

[216]
  English translation of
Die heiligen Stätten der Evangelien
(Regensburg, 1959).

[217]
  
Exc
. 242.

[218]
 
Revue Biblique
XL (1931) p. 556. See Chapter 2, pp. 65
ff..

[219]
  Also spelled
kok,
plural
kokim
.

[220]
  Kuhnen:73; Hachlili:790; Galling, “Nekropole,”
Palästina Jahrbuch
1936, p.76; Goodenough I:66.

[221]
  Finegan 1969:185.

[222]
  This will be detailed in Chp. 4. Later examples of kokhim tombs are at Beth She‘arim (III–IV CE) and Silet edh-Dhahr (to VII CE).
Cf
. Mazar; Sellers and Baramki.

[223]
  Mishna,
Baba Bathra
, 6.8;Babylonian Talmud,
Bava Bathra
100b–102b.

[224]
  Hachlili:789; Finegan:189,
etc
.

[225]
  Hachlili, “Burials,” ABD I:789.
Loculus
(pl.
loculi
) is another name often used interchangeably with
kokh
(Hachlili 789, Finegan 189). However, with some authors (
e.g
. Goodenough I/66, 88)
loculus
refers to what has been called the ‘shelf’ tomb (see Finegan/184). Because of its non-uniform use, the term
loculus
is avoided in this book.

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