The Source Field Investigations (12 page)

BOOK: The Source Field Investigations
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Dr. Erwin Laszlo commented on how often this effect appears in history.
The great breakthroughs of classical Hebrew, Greek, Chinese and Indian culture occurred almost at the same time [750 to 399 B.C.] . . . among people who were not likely to have been in actual communication.
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In Dr. Rupert Sheldrake’s classic
The Presence of the Past,
a variety of experiments support the idea that we are all accessing a common databank of information when we try to think about something—such as to solve a particular puzzle or problem—just like these inventors were doing. In one case, Sheldrake gave a difficult hidden-figure puzzle to random groups of people and timed how long it took them to solve it. Then the solution was revealed to two million viewers in a British television broadcast. Everyone watched as the hidden face of a Cossack emerged from the background—including his handlebar mustache. When Sheldrake then gave the puzzle to new groups in Europe, Africa and America who had not seen the original puzzle nor the British TV show with the answer, they nonetheless solved it much faster.
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Dr. Paul Pearsall’s fascinating work with organ transplants is another example of shared thoughts—though in this case there is a clear biological component involved. Dr. Pearsall has authored more than two hundred professional articles and eighteen best-selling books on this fascinating subject, and the entire article—with all the incredible specifics—is free to read on Pearsall’s Web site.
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According to this study of patients who have received transplanted organs, particularly hearts, it is not uncommon for memories, behaviors, preferences and habits associated with the donor to be transferred to the recipient. . . . A total sample of 74 transplant recipients (23 of which were heart transplants) . . . showed various degrees of changes that paralleled the personalities of their donors.
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Thoughts are apparently being stored within individual organs before they appear in the recipient’s mind. The Source Field has spoken once again.
The
Co-Intelligence Institute
gives a thorough summary of experiments Sheldrake has either run himself or compiled in his impressive works on this concept of the shared mind. All of these breakthroughs suggest we are using the Source Field to think—at least to some degree.
In one experiment, British biologist Rupert Sheldrake took three short, similar Japanese rhymes—one a meaningless jumble of disconnected Japanese words, the second a newly composed verse and the third a traditional rhyme known by millions of Japanese. Neither Sheldrake nor the English schoolchildren he got to memorize these verses knew which was which, nor did they know any Japanese. The most easily learned rhyme turned out to be the one well-known to Japanese.
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Experiment 1: In the 1920s Harvard University psychologist William McDougall did experiments for 15 years in which rats learned to escape from a tank. The first generation of rats averaged 200 mistakes before they learned the right way out; the last generation 20 mistakes. . . .
Experiment 2: In later efforts to duplicate McDougall’s experiments in Australia, similar rats made fewer mistakes right from the start. Later generations of rats did better even when they were not descendents of the earlier rats. . . .
Experiment 3: In the 1920s in Southampton, England, a bird called the blue tit discovered it could tear the tops of milk bottles on doorsteps and drink the cream. Soon this skill showed up in blue tits over a hundred miles away, which is odd in that they seldom fly further than 15 miles. . . . [The habit] spread faster and faster until by 1947 it was universal throughout Britain[,] . . . Holland, Sweden and Denmark. German occupation cut off milk deliveries in Holland for eight years—five years longer than the life of a blue tit. Then, in 1948 the milk started to be delivered. Within months blue tits all over Holland were drinking cream. . . .
Experiment 4: In the early sixties psychiatrists Dr. Milan Ryzl of Prague and Dr. Vladimir L. Raikov of Moscow hypnotized subjects into believing they were living incarnations of historical personages. Such subjects would develop talents associated with their alter egos. A subject told she was the artist Raphael took only a month to develop drawing skills up to the standard of a good graphic designer. . . .
[Experiment 5 is Sheldrake’s hidden-figure puzzle, already discussed.]
Experiment 6: Psychologist Dr. Arden Mahlberg of Madison, Wisconsin, created a variation of Morse code that should have been no harder to learn than the standard variety. Subjects learned the real code much faster than his invented one, not knowing which was which.
Experiment 7: Gary Schwartz, Yale professor of psychology, selected 24 common 3-letter words in Hebrew and 24 rare ones, all from the Old Testament, all in Hebrew script. For each word, he created a scrambled version (as, in English, one might do by scrambling “dog” to spell “odg”). . . . [Among participants with no knowledge of Hebrew,] not only was the confidence [in the accuracy of their guesses] significantly higher with the real words than with the false words (regardless of subjects, words, or experiments), but the common words got higher confidence scores than the rarer words. . . .
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Schwartz’s experiment was also covered in Combs, Holland and Robertson’s
Synchronicity: Through the Eyes of Science, Myth and the Trickster
in 2000. The phrase “morphic fields” is Sheldrake’s own term for thought forms that build up within the Source Field.
Schwartz found, as Sheldrake’s theory would predict, that students rated the real words with considerably greater confidence than the ones that had been scrambled (though they did not accurately guess their meaning). Moreover, he found that confidence ratings were about twice as high for the words that occur frequently in the Old Testament compared with those that occur only rarely. The idea here is that the real words had, in fact, been learned by countless persons throughout history, forming strong morphic fields; the most frequently occurring words had, of course, been seen and read the greatest number of times. . . . Similar experiments have been carried out using Persian words and even Morse code.
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Richard Linklater’s 2001 film
Waking Life
features a scene in which two characters discuss this phenomenon—and one of them mentions a study where crossword puzzles become easier to solve once they have been published and worked on by large numbers of people.
10
A graduate student named Monica England conducted this research for her thesis at the University of Nottingham, and summarized the results in the August 1991
Noetic Sciences Bulletin
—but it was never published in a traditional academic journal. Sheldrake wrote about it in words that are no longer found on his Web site, but were originally published in a
Journal of Memetics
discussion forum post—on the memorable day of September 11, 2001.
The crossword puzzles she used were from the London
Evening Standard
, not
The New York Times
, and in the experiments she tested groups of subjects before and after the crossword puzzles were published in the
Evening Standard
on Feb 15th 1990. Each group of subjects also did a control crossword which had been published ten days earlier in the
Evening Standard
. . . . She found that . . . the subjects performed better after the crossword had been published in London, relative to scores before publication. This difference was significant at the 5 percent level, using the one-tailed t test. . . . The reason Monica England thought of doing this experiment in the first place is that there is a folklore among people who do crosswords, especially difficult ones like those in
The Times
or the
Daily Telegraph
, that these crosswords are easier to solve if they’re done the next day or in the evening rather than on the morning of the day they are published, suggesting a possible influence from others who have done them.
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Remote Viewing: Venturing Directly Into the Field
If we actually do use the Source Field to think, at least to some degree, then why couldn’t we venture directly out into it—rather than having our awareness trapped within our own bodies? Harold Sherman, the author of
How to Make ESP Work for You,
was one of the early test subjects brought in by the military, and its contractors, to develop the science of remote viewing
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—which theoretically allows us to access any point in the Source Field. Their results suggest that everything in the Universe is ultimately One Mind—as the consciousness of the viewer can project into any remote location and experience it as a part of his own awareness. In my opinion, some of the best books on remote viewing are David Morehouse’s
Psychic Warrior
—and you may want to get the first edition from 1996
13
—and the works of Joe McMoneagle.
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A good remote viewer can make detailed sketches of a remote location that are almost perfect—with nothing more than random numbers called “coordinates” that were assigned to the target. The person acting as their guide also does not know what these coordinates correspond to either. Joe McMoneagle has located three different missing persons in sessions filmed for Japanese television—leading the crews right to the door of where these people were, while he sat at his home in Virginia. The cameras then filmed their tearful reunions.
15
Jahn and Dunne trained forty-eight ordinary people in an early type of remote viewing, where one person would visit a randomly chosen location from five to six thousand miles away and the viewer would attempt to gain information about what that person was seeing. In 336 rigorous trials, almost two-thirds of the viewers’ observations appeared to be significantly accurate—at odds of a billion to one against chance. When the sender and receiver were bonded emotionally or by familial relationship, their results improved dramatically.
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A distinguished government panel of skeptical scientists and two Nobel laureates studied twentythree years of experimental data in remote viewing—and concluded the research was flawless.
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Another team, headed by noted skeptic Dr. Ray Hyman, concluded the results were much too strong to be written off as random chance or coincidence.
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Screened rooms were used to prove electromagnetic waves could not be responsible for transferring the information to the viewer’s conscious mind.
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Remote viewers also were able to see events that had not yet happened in linear time, even when those events were chosen at random—after they had already been correctly viewed in a secure location.
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This suggests the mind is not confined to linear time at all, in the greater sense—and we will have much more to say about this in Part Two.
Do we create measurable energetic traces when we go out and remote-view a particular area? In 1980, Drs. Karlis Osis and Donna McCormick performed a remarkable experiment to see if they could find out. A gifted psychic named Alex Tanous was asked to remote-view a specific target. Several different scattered pieces were used to form an image, but only when they were viewed from one location. Tanous had no idea what the target looked like, and it was changed at various times. In the exact location where the pieces all lined up, Osis and McCormick hung two metallic plates side by side on strain gauges, which can detect very subtle movements. When Tanous was describing the target accurately, the plates jiggled around much more than usual. Their greatest movement occurred immediately after Tanous began viewing the image. There was no obvious visible light in the area as Tanous did the viewing—only the slight but measurable movement of the plates.
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Two years later, the People’s Republic of China expanded this investigation even further. The Chinese scientists asked remote viewers with “exceptional vision” to view complex characters from their own alphabet as targets. These characters were placed in a room where no visible light could possibly enter. Very sensitive light-detecting devices were also positioned inside the room. During the times the viewers properly described the target, the number of photons in the room surged tremendously—from one hundred to one thousand times above the normal background levels of “virtual photons.” This could amount to as many as fifteen thousand individual photons that were released during any one event.
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A group of American scientists led by Dr. G. Scott Hubbard attempted to replicate this experiment in 1986. They used a very high-quality photomultiplier tube for sensing light and a 35-millimeter slide of a scene as the target. Their results were excellent. During the times the viewers correctly described the target, pulses of photons consistently appeared—at a level much higher than random chance. However, their strongest pulses were only twenty to forty times larger than the background noise level, unlike the Chinese results of one hundred to one thousand times above normal.
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This may be because the participants in the Chinese experiments were found by an open, systematic, nationwide sweep for the most talented intuitives.
In 1907, as published in the
American Medicine
journal, Dr. Duncan MacDougall found that his patients suddenly lost a little over one ounce of weight directly after their physical death. In these studies, the patients were kept on beds within a metallic basin that would catch any bodily fluids. The air they exhaled from their lungs upon death did not weigh anywhere near one ounce—nonetheless, the weight loss remained consistent in every case.
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In 1975, Dr. Hereward Carrington and associates found that the average person would lose two and a quarter ounces of weight while they were having an out-of-body experience. When they returned to the body, the missing mass immediately returned.
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