Resurrecting Pompeii (42 page)

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Authors: Estelle Lazer

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Sources: adapted from Capasso, 2001, 982–83; Hauser and De Stefano, 1989, 178–79; Higgins, 1990, Table 4; Lazer, 1995, 294; Rubini
et al.
, 1999, 10, Rubini
et al.
, 2007, 124.

 

Table 9.12
Presence of sagittal ossicles in various populations
Population Sample size Frequency (%)

Pompeii
AD
79 (Lazer 1995)
Pompeii
AD
79 (Nicolucci 1882) Herculaneum
AD
79
Undated Sardinian population Lithuanians (1
st
–2
nd
millennium
BC
) Bohemians (8
th
–10
th
century
AD
) Alamannes (6
th
– 8
th
century
AD
) Prehistoric Ukrainians
116 7.8 100 1 159 1.3 174 23.6

2681 5.4
557 3.8
243 1.6
112 7.8

Sources: Adapted from Capasso, 2001, 982–83; Hauser and De Stefano, 1989, 94–95; Lazer, 1995, 303, Nicolucci, 1882, 110.

 

which reflects a cranial incidence of 0.63 per cent. This individual also displayed lambdoid ossicles.
53

Table 9.13 indicates that the Pompeian side incidence for this feature was in the mid range for Italian populations, though it again should be noted that a number of these populations are represented by very small sample sizes. It was considerably lower than the frequencies observed for a modern Roman sample and two African populations. The cranial incidence documented for San Vincenzo al Volturno (Table 9.14) is about double that of Pompeii. Again, it is notable that the cranial frequency for this trait is much higher for the Pompeian than the Herculaneum sample.

Table 9.13
Side incidence of ossicle at asterion in various populations
Population
Pompeii
AD
79

Sample size Frequency (%)

202 9.9
Pontecagnano (Campania) (7
th
– 6
th
century
BC
)48 6 Sala Consilina (Campania) (9
th
– 6
th
century
BC
) 16 6.2
Termoli (Molise) (7
th
century
BC
)430 Ardea (Latium) (8
th
– 6
th
century
BC
) 34 8.8
Romans (Latium) (6
th
–5
th
century
BC
) 306 7.8
Alfedena (Abruzzo) (6
th
century
BC
) 142 8.5
Campovalano (Abruzzo) (7
th
–6
th
century
BC
) 73 9.6
Perdasdefogu (Sardinia) (9
th
century
BC
) 32 15.6
Etruscans 1 (Central Etruria) (6
th
–5
th
century
BC
) 70 17.4
Etruscans 2 (Southern Etruria) (6
th
–5
th
century
BC
) 110 15 Modern Roman sample 553 20.3
Undated Sardinian population 500 6 African sample (Mali) (1
st
millennium
BC
) 315 12.7
Nubian (historic) 134 18.6

Sources: Adapted from Hauser and De Stefano, 1989, 198–99; Lazer, 1995, 305; Rubini
et al
., 2007, 124.

Table 9.14
Cranial incidence of ossicle at asterion in various populations
Population Sample size Frequency (%)

Pompeii
AD
79 101 13.9
Herculaneum
AD
79 159 0.63 San Vincenzo al Volturno 153 20.6

Sources: Adapted from Capasso, 2001, 982; Higgins, 1989–1990; Lazer, 1995, 305.
Post-cranial evidence

Ten post-cranial non-metric traits were scored for the Pompeian sample.
54
In addition to recording many of these traits, Capasso was able to examine the Herculaneum sample for numerous post-cranial non-metric features that did not survive in the incomplete, disarticulated Pompeian collection, such as anomalies of the vertebrae.
55
He also had the advantage of being able to associate bilaterally expressed traits and different non-metric features on the same individuals. Comparison between the results obtained from the two sites was hampered by the limitations associated with the Pompeian material. While there are some apparent differences in the observed frequencies for two of the femoral non-metric traits,
56
for the purposes of this study, only one post-cranial non-metric trait – lateral squatting facets on the tibia – will be presented in detail. This trait was singled out as it appears to be most useful as a population marker for the Pompeian sample of victims.
Lateral squatting facets

This trait is scored present when the inferior articular surface of the tibia extends into the lateral fossa of the transverse depression on the lower anterior surface (Figure 9.4). This latter forms the attachment for the articular capsule of the ankle joint. It has been argued that tibial squatting facets result from biomechanical stress, caused by a particular type of squatting or kneeling posture. They have been observed in fruit pickers, whose occupation included regular flexion of the foot while standing or climbing ladders. A correlation has been observed between changes in habitual posture as a result of the introduction of stoves and chairs and a diminution in the presence of this trait in French and American archaeological samples. The observation of this trait on European foetuses suggests that biomechanical stress may not be the only cause of such facets, and a genetic origin should also be considered.
57

A sample of 127 left and 124 right tibiae in the Pompeian collection were examined for the presence of medial and lateral squatting facets. There was a much higher prevalence of lateral than medial squatting facets. This trait was observed to occur more frequently on the right side, with a prevalence of 87 per cent, as compared to an incidence of 78.7 per cent on the left side. It is notable that the majority of cases for both sides exhibited strong expression of the trait. Capasso documented only five cases of squatting facets, which represents about 3.8 per cent of the Herculaneum tibiae that he studied. A modern American sample of white males yielded a left side frequency of 26 per cent and a right side frequency of 23 per cent. The side incidences of American white females are 24 per cent for the left and 33 per cent for the right.
58

Figure 9.4
Anterior view of distal portions of two tibiae with medial and lateral squatting facets on the left and an absence of facets on the right (after Finnegan, 1978, 23–37).

Lateral squatting facets are so common in the Pompeian sample that one could hazard a guess that the inhabitants shared certain habitual behavioural traits. Shared behaviour that results in similar skeletal changes in a population can indicate a type of homogeneity. Further comparison with other contemporary skeletal samples from the region and other sites from the Roman Empire would be necessary to determine whether this trait was specific to Pompeii, or was common for other Roman communities.

Conclusion

While the cranial metric results were inconclusive for the Pompeian sample, the relatively high frequency of certain non-metric traits in relation to other populations, like palatine torus, lateral squatting facets of the tibia and double-rooted canines, may indicate homogeneity, either as a result of common genes or a shared environment during the period of growth and development. Since it has commonly been assumed that the Pompeian population was heterogeneous, an explanation is required for these unexpected results.

It could possibly be argued that the apparent tendency towards homogeneity in the skeletal record is the result of sample bias produced by selective collection in the nineteenth century. Nicolucci (1882), for example, intentionally selected what he considered to be the more unusual skulls for examination. It appears that at least some of these skulls are now in collections in Naples and are no longer accessible (D’Amore
et al
. 1979; p.3 01; also see Chapter 3). It is impossible to assess the impact of this practice on the sample. The skulls that were excavated and stored on site at Pompeii over the last hundred years have not apparently been subjected to this treatment and so should be random.

The evidence presented in Chapters 6, 7 and 8 for sex, age-at-death and frequency of pathology, like HFI, indicates that the sample is random and representative of a normally distributed population. It should be remembered that the Pompeian skeletal sample is a reflection of the victims of the eruption and, while it might constitute a statistically representative sample, it may exclude portions of the original population. It is possible that the Pompeian population was never as heterogeneous as suggested by the literary evidence. The various populations mentioned by Strabo and Pliny the Elder, that were said to have inhabited Pompeii and Herculaneum, may have been distinguished by culture and language rather than variations in genetic material. However, consideration should also be given to the notion that there may have been some alteration to the composition of the population by some sections of the community leaving Pompeii, either as a direct result of the
AD
62 earthquake or because of continuing seismic activity in the last 17 years of occupation (see Chapter 3). The population could also have changed for other reasons, as would be expected in a dynamic community with a long occupation history.
While Nicolucci reported similar frequencies for metopic suture and coronal ossicles, he recorded significantly fewer cases of other ossicles in the sample he studied. The discrepancies between the results obtained for the current study and that of Nicolucci for the incidence of inca bones, lambdoid ossicles and sagittal ossicles can possibly be explained by the fact that the observation of non-metric traits was more of passing interest than a major research consideration. Nicolucci’s primary research objective involved a craniometric analysis of the Pompeian skulls and he may not have either noticed or recorded cases that were not strongly expressed.

Perhaps the most remarkable results of this study are the huge differences in frequency between Pompeii and Herculaneum for a number of cranial and post-cranial non-metric traits. It is difficult to establish exactly what the non-metric results mean as their aetiology is not well understood. These results may imply that there were either significant genetic differences between the two samples of victims or that they experienced substantially different environments during the growing years. It would be instructive to reassess all the available Pompeian and Herculaneum material for as many non-metric traits as possible to establish whether the differences are real and not the result of interobserver error. It would also be extremely valuable to score these traits on other Italian skeletal material, especially in the Campanian region. Calculation of the frequency of these traits over time and space should aid in the determination of whether they are regional features or if they are specific to Pompeii.

10 THE CASTS
The first casts of humans

A remarkable phenomenon was revealed in 1772, during the excavation of victims in the so-called Villa of Diomedes. Preserved in the hardened ash around some of the twenty-odd skeletons
1
that were found collapsed on top of one another in the
cryptoporticus
corridor were the negative forms of human bodies. Though the eruption sequence was not fully understood at the time, there was an appreciation of the fact that a unique set of circumstances had contributed to the production of fossils at this site. The fine ash that covered Pompeii in the lethal fourth and subsequent surges had hardened and sealed organic material. Over time, these remains decomposed and were drained through the porous layers of ash and pumice on which they lay. This left what were essentially moulds of the shapes of organic remains as they had appeared at the time of the destruction.
2

An attempt was made to preserve the forms of victims found in the Villa of Diomedes but only the impression of the draped bosom and arms of a woman could be properly salvaged. They were first transported to the
Real Gabinetto di Portici
, and eventually were moved to the
Palazzo degli Studi
in Naples. These remains provided an image of a young woman, apparently in the last moment of her existence. The responses of those who viewed the ash image tended to be rather melodramatic and are best captured in Gautier’s short story
Arria Marcella
, which was published in 1852.
3

The excavators of the Villa of Diomedes also recognized the forms of nonhuman organic material that had decomposed over time in the hardened ash.
4
A technique was developed in the nineteenth century to reveal the shapes of wooden furniture by pouring plaster of Paris into cavities in the ash and removing the ash when the plaster dried. A door was cast in this manner in 1856.
5
Seven years later, Giuseppe Fiorelli revolutionized the way human remains from Pompeii were regarded when he and his assistant Andrea Fraia applied this method to Pompeian victims whose forms had been preserved in the fine ash of the second phase of the eruption. The first casts were made of four victims in the so-called Street of the Skeletons on 5 February 1863.
6
It has been suggested that there had been earlier but ultimately unsuccessful attempts to cast human victims, first of a presumed female from the House of the Faun in 1831 and again in 1861 when a victim was found with a clear impression of clothing and a jewellery box in the surrounding ash.
7

The type of preservation that enabled victims to be cast is unique to the region around Pompeii and cannot be seen at Herculaneum. The variation in preservation across Campania is in no way related to the eruption processes or the cause of death, as the majority of victims died as a result of surges in the second phase of the eruption. The differential preservation between these sites has been attributed to differences in the groundwater table. The Herculaneum victims are buried below the level of the post-eruption groundwater table and their skeletons have been encased in relatively soft and wet volcanic ash. These conditions coupled with the pressure of 20 or so metres of debris deposited above the bodies and other organic material, ensured that the forms of victims were not preserved.

In contrast, the individuals who were killed by the fourth and possibly later surges in Pompeii rest on 2.5 to 2.8 metres of porous ash and pumice that is well above the level of the groundwater table, and which has facilitated the drainage of decomposing soft tissue. The fine ash associated with the surges hardened quickly around the bodies and other organic material before there was time for them to decay. In the right circumstances, the finegrained surge deposit preserved phenomenal detail, including the impression of facial features and clothing. The potential for the preservation of forms of organic material was enhanced by there being only about two metres of overburden above the material preserved in the S4 layer in Pompeii.
8

The casts of the human victims from Pompeii and its immediate environs are both compelling and confronting. This is because they present victims as they appeared at or around the time of death. In a number of cases, the features that identified victims as individuals have been well preserved. Not only could faces be discerned but also their apparent expressions, as well as the clothes they wore and the objects that they carried. It is also possible to see how people died in the context of the environment in which they had lived.

While there are many cases of well-preserved bodies from around the world, the casts of the forms of the Pompeian victims are remarkable in that they represent individuals who do not come from a burial context. These people were victims of a mass disaster who, along with their culture, were preserved in the destruction layers. Not only is the viewer acutely aware of their untimely deaths, they are also exposed to the smallest details associated with the daily life of the victims. Despite the fact that the flesh has not survived, it is probably easier to relate to these casts than preserved bodies from tombs that have been subjected to unfamiliar death rituals.

The impact of the casts on nineteenth-century visitors is exemplified by this description by Marc Monnier:

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