Independence (77 page)

THE ANGLO-AMERICAN WAR, 1775–76

Louis Birnbaum,
Red Dawn at Lexington
(Boston, 1986); Thomas A. Desjardin,
Through a Howling Wilderness: Benedict Arnold's March to Quebec, 1775
(New York, 2006); John Ferling,
Almost a Miracle: The American Victory in the War of Independence
(New York, 2007); David Hackett Fischer,
Paul Revere's Ride
(New York, 1994); Richard Frothingham,
History of the Siege of Boston
(Boston, 1849); Richard M. Ketchum,
Decisive Day: The Battle for Bunker Hill
(New York, 1974); Arthur Lefkowitz,
Benedict Arnold's Army: The 1775 Invasion of Canada During the Revolutionary War
(New York and El Dorado Hills, Calif., 2008); James Kirby Martin,
Benedict Arnold: Revolutionary Hero: An American Warrior Reconsidered
(New York, 1977); Piers Mackesy,
The War for America, 1775–1783
(Cambridge, Mass., 1964); David McCullough,
1776
(New York, 2005); Hal Shelton,
General Richard Montgomery and the American Revolution
(New York, 1994); Christopher Ward,
The War of the Revolution
, 2 vols. (New York, 1952).

BIOGRAPHIES

FOREMOST AMERICAN CONGRESSMEN TO 1776 (IN ALPHABETICAL ORDER)

Adams, John:
Joseph Ellis,
Passionate Sage: The Character and Legacy of John Adams
(New York, 1993); John Ferling,
John Adams: A Life
(reprint, New York, 2010); John Howe,
The Changing Political Thought of John Adams
(Princeton, N.J., 1966); David McCullough,
John Adams
(New York, 2001).

Adams, Samuel:
John K. Alexander,
Samuel Adams: America's Revolutionary Politician
(Lanham, Md., 2002); Cass Canfield,
Samuel Adams's Revolution, 1765–1776
(New York, 1972); William C. Fowler,
Samuel Adams: Radical Puritan
(New York, 1997); Pauline Maier,
The Old Revolutionaries: Political Leaders in the Age of Samuel Adams
(New York, 1982); John C. Miller,
Sam Adams: Pioneer in Propaganda
(Boston, 1936); Ira Stoll,
Samuel Adams: A Life
(New York, 2008).

Dickinson, John:
Milton E. Flower,
John Dickinson: Conservative Revolutionary
(Charlottesville, Va., 1983); David L. Jacobson,
John Dickinson and the Revolution in Pennsylvania, 1764–1776
(Berkeley, Calif., 1965).

Franklin, Benjamin:
H. W. Brands,
The First American: The Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin
(New York, 2000); David Freeman Hawke,
Franklin
(New York, 1976); J. A. Leo Lemay,
The Life of Benjamin Franklin
, 3 vols. (Philadelphia, 2006–9); Edmund S. Morgan,
Benjamin Franklin
(New Haven, Conn., 2002); Carl Van Doren,
Benjamin Franklin
(New York, 1938); Gordon S. Wood,
The Americanization of Benjamin Franklin
(New York, 2004); Esmond Wright,
Franklin of Philadelphia
(Cambridge, Mass., 1986).

Galloway, Joseph:
John Ferling,
The Loyalist Mind: Joseph Galloway and the American Revolution
(University Park, Pa., 1977); Benjamin H. Newcomb,
Franklin and Galloway: A Political Partnership
(New Haven, Conn., 1972).

Gerry, Elbridge:
George Athan Billias,
Elbridge Gerry: Founding Father and Republican Statesman
(New York, 1976).

Henry, Patrick:
Richard R. Beeman,
Patrick Henry: A Biography
(New York, 1974); Kevin J. Hayes,
The Mind of a Patriot: Patrick Henry and the World of Ideas
(Charlottesville, Va., 2008); Robert D. Meade,
Patrick Henry
, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1957–69).

Jefferson, Thomas:
Andrew Burstein and Nancy Isenberg,
Madison and Jefferson
(New York, 2010); R. B. Bernstein,
Thomas Jefferson
(New York, 2003); Fawn Brodie,
Thomas Jefferson: An Intimate History
(New York, 1974); Noble E. Cunningham Jr.,
In Pursuit of Reason: The Life of Thomas Jefferson
(New York, 1997); Frank J. Dewey,
Thomas Jefferson, Lawyer
(Charlottesville, Va., 1986); Joseph Ellis,
American Sphinx: The Character of Thomas Jefferson
(New York, 1997); John Ferling,
Setting the World Ablaze: Washington, Adams, Jefferson, and the American Revolution
(New York, 2000); Dumas Malone,
Jefferson and His Times
, 6 vols. (Boston, 1948–81); Jack McLoughlin,
Jefferson, and Monticello
(New York, 1988); Peter S. Onuf, ed.,
The Mind of Thomas Jefferson
(Charlottesville, Va., 2007); Merrill D. Peterson,
Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation: A Biography
(New York, 1970); Willard Sterne Randall,
Thomas Jefferson: A Life
(New York, 1992); Nathan Schachner,
Thomas Jefferson: A Biography
(New York, 1951).

Lee, Richard Henry:
Oliver Perry Chitwood,
Richard Henry Lee: Statesman of the Revolution
(Morgantown, W.Va., 1967); J. Kent McGaughy,
Richard Henry Lee of Virginia: A Portrait of an American Revolutionary
(Lanham, Md., 2004).

Livingston, Robert R.:
George Dangerfield,
Chancellor Robert R. Livingston, 1746–1813
(New York, 1960).

Morris, Robert:
Clarence L. Ver Steeg,
Robert Morris: Revolutionary Financier
(New York, 1972).

Sherman, Roger:
Christopher Collier,
Roger Sherman's Connecticut: Yankee Politicians and the American Revolution
(Middletown, Conn., 1971).

Washington, George:
Ron Chernow,
Washington: A Life
(New York, 2010); John Ferling,
The First of Men: A Life of George Washington
(reprint, New York, 2010); James T. Flexner,
George Washington
, 4 vols. (Boston, 1965–72); Douglas Southall Freeman,
George Washington: A Biography
, 7 vols. (New York, 1948–57).

Wilson, James:
Mark David Hall,
The Political and Legal Philosophy of James Wilson, 1742–1798
(Columbia, Mo., 1997); Charles Page Smith,
James Wilson: Founding Father, 1742–1798
(Chapel Hill, N.C., 1956).

FOREMOST BRITISH POLITICAL FIGURES TO 1776 (IN ALPHABETICAL ORDER)

Burke, Edmund:
Carl B. Cone,
Burke and the Nature of Politics: The Age of the American Revolution
(Lexington, Ky., 1957).

Dartmouth, Earl of:
B. D. Bargar,
Lord Dartmouth and the American Revolution
(Columbia, S.C., 1965).

Fox, Charles James:
John Derry,
Charles James Fox
(New York, 1972); John Drinkwater,
Charles James Fox
(New York, 1928); Christopher Hobhouse,
Fox
(reprint, London, 1964); L. G. Mitchell,
Charles James Fox
(New York, 1992); Loren Reid,
Charles James Fox: A Man for the People
(Columbia, Mo., 1969).

Gage, General Thomas:
John R. Alden,
General Gage in America: Being Principally a History of His Role in the American Revolution
(Baton Rouge, La., 1948); John Shy, “Thomas Gage: Weak Link of Empire,” in George A. Billias, ed.,
George Washington's Opponents: British Generals and Admirals in the American Revolution
(New York, 1969).

George III:
Stanley Ayling,
George the Third
(New York, 1972); Jeremy Black,
George III: America's Last King
(New Haven, Conn., 2006).

Germain, Lord George:
Gerald Saxon Brown,
The American Secretary: The Colonial Policy of Lord George Germain, 1775–1778
(Ann Arbor, Mich., 1963); Alan Valentine,
Lord George Germain
(Oxford, 1962).

Howe, General William and Admiral Richard Howe:
Ira D. Gruber,
The Howe Brothers and the American Revolution
(New York, 1972); idem, “Richard Lord Howe: Admiral as Peacemaker,” in George A. Billias, ed.,
George Washington's Opponents: British Generals and Admirals in the American Revolution
(New York, 1969); Maldwyn A. Jones, “Sir William Howe: Conventional Strategist,” in ibid.

North, Frederick Lord:
Alan Valentine,
Lord North
(Norman, Okla., 1967); Peter D. G. Thomas,
Lord North
(London, 1967); Peter Whitley,
Lord North: The Prime Minister Who Lost America
(London, 1996).

A
PPENDIX

I
N
CONGRESS, J
ULY
4, 1776. A DECLARATION B
Y THE
REPRESENTATIVES
OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, I
N
GENERAL CONGRESS
ASSEMBLED
.
1

WHEN in the course of human Events, it becomes necessary for one People to dissolve the Political Bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the Powers of the Earth, the separate and equal Station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent Respect to the Opinions of Mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the Separation.

WE hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness—That to secure these Rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just Powers from the Consent of the Governed, that whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these Ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new Government, laying its Foundation on such Principles, and organizing its Powers in such Form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient Causes; and accordingly all Experience hath shewn, that Mankind are more disposed to suffer, while Evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the Forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long Train of Abuses and Usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object, evinces a Design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their Right, it is their Duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future Security. Such has been the patient Sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the Necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The History of the Present King of Great-Britain is a History of repeated Injuries and Usurpations, all having in direct Object the Establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid World.

HE has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public Good.

HE has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing Importance, unless suspended in their Operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

HE has refused to pass other Laws for the Accommodation of large Districts of People; unless those People would relinquish the Right of Representation in the Legislature, a Right inestimable to them, and formidable to Tyrants only.

HE has called together Legislative Bodies at Places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the Depository of their public Records, for the sole Purpose of fatiguing them into Compliance with his Measures.

HE has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly Firmness his Invasions on the Rights of the People.

HE has refused for a long Time, after such Dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative Powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the Dangers of Invasion from without, and Convulsions within.

HE has endeavoured to prevent the Population of these States; for that Purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their Migrations hither, and raising the Conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

HE has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers.

HE has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the Tenure of their Offices, and Amount and Payment of their Salaries.

HE has erected a Multitude of new Offices, and sent hither Swarms of Officers to harass our People, and eat out their Substance.

HE has kept among us, in Times of Peace, Standing Armies, without the consent of our Legislature.

HE has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil Power.

HE has combined with others to subject us to a Jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our Laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:

FOR quartering large Bodies of Armed Troops among us:

FOR protecting them, by a mock Trial, from Punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:

FOR cutting off our Trade with all Parts of the World:

FOR imposing taxes on us without our Consent:

FOR depriving us, in many Cases, of the Benefits of Trial by Jury:

FOR transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended Offences:

FOR abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an arbitrary Government, and enlarging its Boundaries, so as to render it at once an Example and fit Instrument for introducing the same absolute Rule in these Colonies:

FOR taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:

FOR suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with Powers to legislate for us in all Cases whatsoever.

HE has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.

HE has plundered our Seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our Towns, and destroyed the Lives of our People.

HE is, at this Time, transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the Works of Death, Desolation, and Tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty and Perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous Ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized Nation.

HE has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the Executioners of their Friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.

HE has excited domestic Insurrections among us, and has endeavoured to bring on the Inhabitants of our Frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known Rule of Warfare, is an undistinguished Destruction, of all Ages, Sexes and Conditions.

IN every stage of these Oppressions we have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble Terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated Injury. A Prince, whose Character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the Ruler of a free People.

NOR have we been wanting in Attentions to our British Brethren. We have warned them from Time to Time of Attempts by their Legislature to extend an unwarrantable Jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the Circumstances of our Emigration and Settlement here. We have appealed to their native Justice and Magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the Ties of our common Kindred to disavow these Usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our Connections and Correspondence. They too have been deaf to the Voice of Justice and of Consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the Necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of Mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace, Friends.

WE, therefore, the Representatives of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, in GENERAL CONGRESS, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the World for the Rectitude of our Intentions, do, in the Name, and by the Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly Publish and Declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES; that they are absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political Connection between them and the State of Great-Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which INDEPENDENT STATES may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm Reliance on the Protection of the divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor.

Signed by
ORDER
and in
BEHALF
of the
CONGRESS
,

JOHN HANCOCK, PRESIDENT.

ATTEST.

CHARLES THOMSON, SECRETARY.