Going Dutch: How England Plundered Holland's Glory (57 page)

33
Ibid., p.2.

34
See above,
Chapter 5
.

35
Goldgar and Montias have shown that paintings and tulip bulbs were both traded and bought by the same people. For the moral dilemma of disposable wealth in the United Provinces in the seventeenth century, see Schama,
Embarrassment of Riches
.

36
On Blathwayt’s career see S. Saunders Webb, ‘William Blathwayt, imperial fixer: From Popish Plot to Glorious Revolution’,
William and Mary Quarterly
25 (1968), 3–21; ‘William Blathwayt, imperial fixer: muddling through to empire, 1689–1717’,
William and Mary Quarterly
26 (1969), 373–415.

10: Anglo–Dutch Exchange and the New Science

1
Journaal van Constantijn Huygens, den Zoon
, p.103.

2
Ibid., p.114.

3
See L. Jardine,
Ingenious Pursuits: Building the Scientific Revolution
(London: Little, Brown, 1999), for a full bibliography.

4
Cit. Strien,
British Travellers in Holland
, p.264.

5
Ibid.

6
A coiled spring was a standard feature of a traditional clock, incorporated as a driver of the mechanism (wound up with a key to drive the clockwork as in any modern clockwork toy); Huygens’s original idea was to move it to act as a regulator of the balance.

7
Oldenburg,
Correspondence
11, 186 (translation from the French taken from the version published by Oldenburg in the
Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society
in November 1676).

8
BL Sloane MS 1039, f.129.

9
Moray and Bruce were related by marriage, I believe (there are too many Morays/Murrays and Bruces to be able to prove this). They were both probably prominent Speculative Freemasons.

10
On the English community at Maastricht during the Commonwealth years see J.P. Vander Motten, ‘Thomas Killigrew’s “lost years”, 1655–1660’,
Neophilogus
82 (1998), 311–34.

11
For the text of the correspondence between Sir Robert Moray and Alexander Bruce, Earl of Kincardine, see now D. Stevenson,
Letters of Sir Robert Moray to the Earl of Kincardine, 1657–73
(Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007). On Moray’s laboratory see e.g. ibid., p.82.

12
Ibid., p.190. See J.H. Leopold, ‘Christiaan Huygens, the Royal Society and Horology’,
Antiquarian Horology
21 (1993), 37–42; 37.

13
Stevenson,
Letters of Sir Robert Moray
, p.197.

14
Parts of the escapement mechanism in clocks.

15
Stevenson,
Letters of Sir Robert Moray
, pp.198–9.

16
The first surviving communication between Moray and Christiaan Huygens is a letter dated 22 March 1661 (o.s.), shortly before Huygens arrived in London for the first time from Paris.
Oeuvres Complètes
3, pp.260–1. However, it is clear that the two already know one another well.

17
Huygens,
Oeuvres Complètes
2, p.209.

18
Lodewijk Huygens writes to his brother Christiaan in this period saying that the van Aerssens’ house is the most fashionable and most frequented house in The Hague.

19
Hume was chamberlain to Maria (Mary), Princess of Orange. See Oldenburg,
Correspondence
2, p.477.

20
Stevenson,
Letters of Sir Robert Moray
, p.211.

21
Moray had played a prominent role in negotiations in Scotland during events preceding the arrest and execution of Charles I. Charles II recompensed handsomely those who had stood by his father right up to his end. See David Stevenson’s introduction to his edition of the Kincardine correspondence.

22
E.L. Edwardes,
The Story of the Pendulum Clock
(1977), p.41, interprets this as a reference to a type of ‘crutch’ (a fork-like device through which a clock pendulum runs) that Huygens had introduced.

23
A projection that engages on the teeth of a wheel, converting reciprocating into rotary motion (or vice-versa) in a clock.

24
Edwardes,
Story
, p.58, believed Moray wrote ‘Chopes’, which he identified as ‘chops’ or backcocks, parts of the suspension system for pendulums in clocks. But the first letter of the word is certainly ‘s’.

25
Stevenson,
Letters of Sir Robert Moray
, p.217.

26
On Culross, the Bruce family home, see
Royal Commission on Ancient and Historical Monuments and Constructions of Scotland: Fife, Kinross and Clackmannan
(Edinburgh: HMSO, 1933), pp.69–87. See also
Dutch-style water landscape of Culross (across the Forth of Firth)
by John Slezer (1693).

27
Culross, 15 September 1668. Worp, letter 6677.

28
Moray was delayed in Paris, negotiating the terms of Charles II’s return with the French, until summer 1660.

29
See references in G.E. Scala, ‘An index of proper names in Thomas Birch, “The History of the Royal Society” (London, 1756–1757)’,
Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London
28 (1974), 263–329. See also M. Hunter,
Establishing the New Science: The Experience of the Early Royal Society
(Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1989), p.81.

30
See D.S. Landes, ‘Hand and mind in time measurement: The contribution of art and science’,
Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London
43 (1989), 57–69; 61.

31
See L.D. Patterson, ‘Pendulums of Wren and Hooke’,
Osiris
10 (1952), 277–321.

32
Huygens was given a commission in Paris 14 March 1661 to convey to Mme Bruce (Veronica van Aerssen van Sommelsdijck) –
Oeuvres Complètes
22, p.561.

33
Ibid., pp.569–70.

34
Ibid., p.576.

35
Ibid., p.606.

36
Diary of John Evelyn
3, pp.285–6.

37
24 July 1661. See D. Stevenson,
Letters of Sir Robert Moray to the Earl of Kincardine, 1657–73
(Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007).

38
Huygens to Moray, 14/24 June 1661.
Oeuvres Complètes
3, p.284.

39
Huygens to Moray, 22 July/1 August 1661. Ibid., p.307.

40
Huygens to Lodewijk Huygens, 31 October/9 November 1662.
Oeuvres Complètes
4, p.256.

41
This version of events is confirmed in Hooke’s 1674–75 Cutlerian lecture.

42
A description of this clock is to be found in Huygens’s
Horologium Oscillatorium
(1673). See M. Mahoney, ‘Christian Huygens: The measurement of time and of longitude at sea’, in
Studies on Christiaan Huygens
, ed. H.J.M. Bos et al. (Lisse: Swets, 1980), pp.234–70. In an unpublished Cutlerian lecture of 1674–75, rewritten (I believe) around 1678, Hooke describes the various clocks used in these trials.

43
Huygens,
Oeuvres Complètes
22, p.606.

44
See Leopold, ‘Christiaan Huygens, the Royal Society and Horology’, p.39.

45
Huygens,
Oeuvres Complètes
4, p.278. See also Christiaan to Lodewijk, 18/28 December 1662, ibid., pp.284–5.

46
Bruce to Huygens, 2/12 January 1663. Ibid., pp.290–1.

47
Leopold, ‘Clockmaking in Britain and the Netherlands’,
Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London
43 (1989), 159.

48
See Huygens to Moray, 1 December 1662 (n.s.),
Oeuvres Complètes
4, pp.274–5, and Huygens to Moray, 10/20 December 1662, ibid., pp.280–1.

49
Moray to Huygens, 9/19 January 1663. Ibid., p.296.

50
Huygens to Moray, 2 February 1663 (n.s.). Ibid., p.304.

51
Bruce to Huygens, 16/26 January 1663. Ibid., pp.301–2.

52
Huygens to Bruce, 9/19 January 1663.
Oeuvres Complètes
22, p.593 (this is a letter from the Kincardine papers, so is out of order in the
Oeuvres Complètes
).

53
See J.H. Leopold, ‘Clockmaking in Britain and the Netherlands’,
Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London
43 (1989), 155–65; 159.

54
Moray to Huygens, 19 February/1 March 1663.
Oeuvres Complètes
4, p.318.

55
Ibid.