Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America 1492-1830 (108 page)

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Authors: John H. Elliott

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6. See Anderson, Crucible of War, parts IV to VI, for a vivid account of the course and outcome of the conflict.
7. Ibid., pp. 484-5 and 489-90.
8. For the siege of Havana see Hugh Thomas, Cuba, or the Pursuit of Freedom (London, 1971), ch. 1, and McNeill, Atlantic Empires, pp. 103-4.
9. For the terms of the Peace of Paris, see Wright, Anglo-Spanish Rivalry, pp. 107-8, and Anderson, Crucible of War, pp. 504-6.
10. Cited by Cespedes de Castillo, America hispknica, p. 324.
11. Above, p. 274.
12. Above, p. 284.
13. For the deficiencies of the militia system and military reorganization in New Spain, see Lyle N. McAlister, `The Reorganization of the Army of New Spain, 1763-1766', HAHR, 33 (1953), pp. 1-32, and his The `Fuero Militar' in New Spain, 1764-1800 (Gainesville, FL, 1957), p. 2.
14. Shy, A People Numerous, pp. 37-9.
15. John Shy, Armed Force in Colonial North America: New Spain, New France, and AngloAmerica', in Kenneth J. Hagan and William R. Roberts (eds), Against All Enemies. Interpretations of American Military History from Colonial Times to the Present (Greenwood Press, Contributions in Military Studies, no. 51, New York, Westport, Conn., London, 1986), at p. 9.
16. Cited by Andrews, Colonial Period, vol. 4, p. 417.
17. Anderson, Crucible of War, ch. 7. For ambivalent attitudes in London to plans for colonial union, see Alison Olson, `The British Government and Colonial Union, 1754', WMQ, 3rd set., 17 (1960), pp. 22-34.
18. Anderson, Crucible o f War, p. 85. For William Johnson, who was appointed superintendent of Northern Indian affairs, see above pp. 275-6.
19. Cited by Anderson, Crucible of War, p. 148.
20. Jack P. Greene, `The Seven Years' War and the American Revolution: the Causal Relationship Reconsidered', in Peter Marshall and Glyn Williams (eds), The British Atlantic Empire Before the American Revolution (London, 1980), pp. 85-105, at p. 88. For the problem, and extent, of illicit trade in these years see Barrow, Trade and Empire, ch. 7.
21. Cited by Barrow, Trade and Empire, p. 152.
22. Shy, Toward Lexington, p. 35 for troop numbers; for relative tax burdens, Taylor, American Colonies, p. 438.
23. John L. Bullion, "`The Ten Thousand in America": More Light on the Decision on the American Army, 1762-1763', WMQ, 3rd set., 43 (1986), pp. 646-57.
24. Lynch, Bourbon Spain, pp. 312-17.
25. A. S. Aiton, `Spanish Colonial Reorganization Under the Family Compact', HAHR, 12 (1932), pp. 269-80; Stanley J. Stein and Barbara H. Stein, Apogee of Empire. Spain and New Spain in the Age of Charles III, 1759-1789 (Baltimore and London, 2003), pp. 58-68.
26. For the military reforms, see McAlister, `The Reorganization of the Army of New Spain'; Cespedes del Castillo, Ensayos, pp. 261-9; Archer, The Army in Bourbon Mexico, pp. 9-16.
27. Archer, The Army, p. 12; Greene, `Seven Years' War', p. 89.
28. CHLA, 1, p. 400.
29. Cespedes del Castillo, America hispanica, p. 325.
30. McAlister, The `Duero Militar', pp. 10-11.
31. See Juan Marchena Fernandez, Ejercito y militias en el mundo colonial americano (Madrid, 1992), table, p. 62, and his `The Social World of the Military in Peru and New Granada: the Colonial Oligarchies in Conflict', in John R. Fisher, Allan J. Kuethe and Anthony McFarlane (eds), Reform and Insurrection in Bourbon New Granada and Peru (Baton Rouge, LA and London, 1990), ch. 3.
32. Shy A People Numerous, p. 40.
33. Anderson, Crucible of War, pp. 560-2.
34. Greene, `Seven Years' War', p. 95.
35. P. D. Thomas, British Politics and the Stamp Act Crisis. The First Phase of the American Revolution, 1763-1767 (Oxford, 1975), p. 38.
36. Above, pp. 228-9.
37. Burkholder and Chandler, From Impotence to Authority, part 1; Mark A. Burkholder, `From Creole to Peninsular; the Transformation of the Audiencia of Lima', HAHR, 52 (1972), pp. 395-415; Jaime E. Rodriguez 0., The Independence of Spanish America (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 21-2.
38. Cited by Labaree, Royal Government in America, p. 308.
39. Greene, Quest for Power, pp. 70 and 360-1.
40. Olson, Anglo-American Politics, pp. 147-8; Barrow, Trade and Empire, pp. 157-8.
41. For `rational' and scientific preoccupations in the Spain of Charles III, and their impact on imperial government, see in particular the essays in the exhibition catalogue, Carlos III y la Ilustracion, 2 vols (Madrid and Barcelona, 1989). For Britain, Drayton, Nature's Government, especially pp. 67-9, and Shy, A People Numerous, pp. 77-9.
42. See Allan J. Kuethe and G. Douglas Inglis, 'Absolutism and Enlightened Reform: Charles III, the Establishment of the Alcabala, and Commercial Reorganization in Cuba', Past and Present, 109 (1985), pp. 118-43.
43. For the overthrow of Esquilache and its consequences, see Stein and Stein, Apogee of Empire, ch. 4, and the exhaustive study by Jose Andres-Gallego, El motin de Esquilache, America y Europa (Madrid, 2003).
44. Cespedes del Castillo, Ensayos, p. 308; MacLachlan, Spain's Empire, pp. 93-4.
45. The administrative career of Galvez deserves a comprehensive study. The now antiquated study by Herbert Ingram Priestley, Jose de Galvez, Visitor-General of New Spain, 1765-1771 (Berkeley, 1916), does not extend beyond his visitation of New Spain. For a recent brief survey, see Ismael Sanchez-Bella, `Las reformas en Indias del Secretario de Estado Jose de Galvez (1776-1787)', in Feliciano Barrios Pintado (ed.), Derecho y administration publica en las Indias hispanicas (2 vols, Cuenca, 2002), 2, pp. 1517-54.
46. Above, p. 260. By 1800 Spanish America would have some 13.5 million inhabitants to Spain's 10.5 million (CHLA, 2, p. 34).
47. See Table 4.1 in OHBE, 2, p. 100.
48. Cited by Thomas, British Politics, p. 34.
49. Anderson, Crucible of War, ch. 59.
50. Robert L. Gold, Borderland Empires in Transition. The Triple Nation Transfer of Florida (Carbondale, IL and Edwardsville, IL, 1969); Cecil Johnson, British West Florida, 1763-1783 (New Haven, 1943), ch. 1; C. L. Mowat, East Florida as a British Province, 1763-1784 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1943), ch. 1.
51. For seventeenth-century French Acadia and its replacement in 1713 by the British colony of Nova Scotia, see John G. Reid, Acadia, Maine and New England. Marginal Colonies in the Seventeenth Century (Toronto, Buffalo, NY, London, 1981).
52. For the background to the promulgation of the 1763 Proclamation, see Jack M. Sosin, Whitehall and the Wilderness. The Middle West in British Colonial Policy, 1760-1775 (Lincoln, NE, 1961), ch. 3.
53. Barrow, Trade and Empire, pp. 187-8.
54. Anderson, Crucible of War, pp. 583-5.
55. Barrow, Trade and Empire, pp. 183-4.
56. Andrien, Crisis and Decline, pp. 154-5.
57. Cited by Thomas, British Politics, p. 53.
58. Lynch, Bourbon Spain, pp. 344-5; Guillermo Cespedes del Castillo, El tabaco en Nueva Espana (Madrid, 1992), ch. 3; Jose Jesus Hernandez Palomo, El aguardiente de cana en Mexico (Seville, 1974).
59. Thomas, British Politics, p. 112.
60. Sosin, Whitehall and the Wilderness, p. 130. The estimates would be vastly exceeded as a result of extraordinary expenses.
61. Shy, Toward Lexington, pp. 188-9; Anderson, Crucible of War, pp. 720-2.
62. Cited in Barrow, Trade and Empire, p. 225.
63. Cespedes del Castillo, Ensayos, pp. 234-6.
64. Above, p. 232.
65. Vicent Llombart, Campomanes, economista y politico de Carlos III (Madrid, 1992). Campomanes served in the Council of Castile for three decades, from 1762 to 1791.
66. N. M. Farriss, Crown and Clergy in Colonial Mexico, 1759-1821 (London, 1968), p. 92.
67. Cited by Laura Rodriguez, Reforma e Ilustracidn en la Espana del siglo XVIII: Pedro K. Campomanes (Madrid, 1975), p. 59.
68. Horst Pietschmann, Las reformas borbonicas y el sistema de intendencias en Nueva Espana (Mexico City, 1996), p. 302.
69. Cited by I. A. A. Thompson in Richard L. Kagan and Geoffrey Parker (eds), Spain, Europe and the Atlantic World. Essays in Honour of John H. Elliott (Cambridge, 1995), p. 158.
70. See Farriss, Crown and Clergy. For provincial councils, pp. 33-8.
71. Taylor, Magistrates of the Sacred, pp. 83-6.
72. Mazin, Ent re dos majestades, pp. 138-40.
73. The alleged involvement of the Jesuits in the overthrow of Esquilache is examined in Stein and Stein, Apogee of Empire, pp. 98-107. Andres-Gallego, El moon de Esquilache, pp. 655-63, leaves the problem unresolved, but provides (pp. 501-28) a useful summary of attitudes to the Jesuits and to their activities, including their activities in the Indies, in the period leading up to their expulsion.
74. D. A. Brading, Church and State in Bourbon Mexico. The Diocese of Michoacan, 1749-1810 (Cambridge, 1994), ch. 1; Antonio Mestre, `La actitud religiosa de los catolicos ilustrados', in Austin Guimera (ed.), El reformismo borbdnico. Una vision interdisciplinar (Madrid, 1996), pp. 147-63; Teofanes Egido (ed.), Los jesuitas en Espana y en el mundo hispanico (Madrid, 2004), pp. 256-73.
75. Andres-Gallego, El moon de Esquilache, p. 596; and see more generally pp. 595-645 for his assessment of the consequences of the expulsion on both sides of the Spanish Atlantic.
76. Martinez Lopez-Cano (ed.), Iglesia, estado y economia, p.
77. Brading, Church and State, pp. 4-7.
78. Cited by McFarlane, `The Rebellion of the Barrios: Urban Insurrection in Bourbon Quito', in Fisher, Kuethe and McFarlane (eds), Reform and Insurrection, p. 202.
79. The account that follows is based on McFarlane, `The Rebellion of the Barrios', and Kenneth J. Andrien, `Economic Crisis, Taxes and the Quito Insurrection of 1765', Past and Present, 129 (1990), pp. 104-31.
80. McFarlane, Colombia Before Independence, pp. 232-3; Fisher, Kuethe and McFarlane (eds), Reform and Insurrection, pp. 3-4.
81. Andres-Gallego, El motin de Esquilache, p. 194.
82. Ibid., p. 197.
83. Cited in Edmund S. and Helen M. Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis. Prologue to Revolution (1953; repr. New York, 1962), p. 43.
84. Thomas M. Doerflinger, A Vigorous Spirit of Enterprise. Merchants and Economic Development in Revolutionary Philadelaphia (Chapel Hill, NC and London, 1986), pp. 175-6. For the relationship of the Stamp Act crisis to the impact of the post-war depression on the port towns, see especially Nash, Urban Crucible, ch. 11.
85. Cited in David McCullough, John Adams (New York and London, 2001), p. 43.
86. Greene, `Seven Years' War', p. 97.
87. Morgan and Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, pp. 121-32.
88. Ibid., pp. 123-4.
89. Above, p. 262.
90. Nash, Urban Crucible, p. 247; Morgan and Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, pp. 48-9.
91. For the Loyal Nine and their transformation into the inter-colonial `Sons of Liberty', see, in addition to Morgan and Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, Pauline Maier, From Resistance to Revolution. Colonial Radicals and the Development of American Opposition to Britain, 1765-1776 (1971; repr. New York and London, 1992), ch. 4.
92. Cited in John L. Bullion, `British Ministers and American Resistance to the Stamp Act, October-December 1765', WMQ, 3rd set., 49 (1992), pp. 89-107, at p. 91.
93. Burke, European Settlements, 2, p. 172.
94. Ibid., p. 167.
95. Morgan and Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, p. 139. New Hampshire declined, but approved the proceedings after the congress was over.
96. Cited in Morgan and Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, p. 146.
97. For the response in the West Indies, where there were riots in the Leeward Islands, see O'Shaughnessy, An Empire Divided, pp. 86-104.
98. Cited in Anderson, Crucible of War, p. 684.
99. See Breen, Marketplace of Revolution, pp. 222-34, for the early stages of the nonimportation movement.
100. C. Knick Harley, `Trade, Discovery, Mercantilism and Technology', in Roderick Floud and Paul Johnson (eds), The Cambridge Economic History of Modern Britain (Cambridge, 2004), 1, p. 184. See also his table 7.1 for official values of British trade, 1663-1774 (p. 177). Part 1 of Breen, Marketplace of Revolution, provides a vivid account of the huge variety of British imports on offer and the patterns of marketing and consumption in the colonies.
101. Jacob M. Price, `Who Cared About the Colonies?', in Bailyn and Morgan (eds), Strangers Within the Realm, pp. 395-436, at p. 417.
102. Barlow Trecothick to Rockingham, 7 November 1765, cited by Bullion, `British Ministers', p. 100.
103. Price, `Who Cared About the Colonies?', p. 412.
104. Bullion, `British Ministers'.
105. See H. G. Koenigsberger, `Composite States, Representative Institutions and the American Revolution', Historical Research. The Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 62 (1989), pp. 135-53. See also Miller, Defining the Common Good, chs 3 and 4.
106. Above, p. 230.
107. Greene, Peripheries and Center, pp. 61-2.
108. Cited by Anderson, Crucible of War, p. 700.
109. Miller, Defining the Common Good, pp. 192-4. The Greeks did in fact consider their colonies as dependent on the mother city The Roman notion of colonia, on the other hand, lacked this notion of dependency, which may have arisen in the minds of British politicians as a result of confusing Rome's `colonies', originally settlements of veteran soldiers, with its `provinces', which were indeed dependent on the metropolis. I am grateful to Professor Glen Bowersock for guidance on this point. `Colony' and 'plantation' were interchangeable terms in the early phases of English overseas colonization, but the notion of dependency had obviously established itself by 1705, when Lord Cornbury wrote that in his opinion `all these Colloneys, which are but twigs belonging to the Main Tree [England] ought to be Kept entirely dependent upon and subservient to England' (E. B. O'Callaghan, The Documentary History of the State of New York, 4 vols (Albany, NY11850-1), 1, p. 485). For an example of the distinction drawn by eighteenth-century British commentators between Greek and Roman colonies, see James Abercromby's De Jure et Gubernatione Coloniarum (1774), reprinted in Jack P. Greene, Charles F. Mullett and Edward C. Papenfuse (eds), Magna Charta for America (Philadelphia, 1986), p. 203.

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