Authors: Timothy Snyder
Bloodlands (91 page)
46
Chełmno is discussed in Chapter 8. The connection is made by Kershaw,
Fateful Choices
, 462; see also Kershaw,
Hitler
, 66. Mazower emphasizes the centrality of the Wartheland in
Hitler’s Empire
, for example at 191. I am excluding in this judgment Jews killed in the “euthanasia” program.
Chełmno is discussed in Chapter 8. The connection is made by Kershaw,
Fateful Choices
, 462; see also Kershaw,
Hitler
, 66. Mazower emphasizes the centrality of the Wartheland in
Hitler’s Empire
, for example at 191. I am excluding in this judgment Jews killed in the “euthanasia” program.
47
Himmler and Globocnik will be discussed at greater length in Chapter 8.
Himmler and Globocnik will be discussed at greater length in Chapter 8.
49
Arguing from the periphery, from Belarus and Ukraine to Berlin, Gerlach and Pohl each make a case for the importance of food supplies in the extermination of the Jews. Aly and Heim, arguing forward from the logic of prewar planning, present a kind of negative explanation for the Holocaust: the Jews were already regarded as harmful in future designs and as useless consumers of present necessities. Hitler certainly undertook the war against the Soviet Union on the understanding that food supplies could thereby be secured during the war and for future wars. It is certainly true that the Hunger Plan, real supply difficulties for the Wehrmacht, and the perceived need to satisfy German civilians mattered a great deal on the eastern front generally. The concern for food made it easier for officers to endorse killing Jews. As the war continued, the economic argument about Jewish labor would be countered by the economic argument about the food Jews would eat. I agree that food played a much greater role in the process than it might appear from English-language literature on the Holocaust. But I do not believe that food (or any other economic consideration) can explain the timing or the precise content of Hitler’s policy as conveyed in December 1941. It was
an ideological expression and political resolution of pressing problems arising from a failed colonial war. It was also a choice.
Arguing from the periphery, from Belarus and Ukraine to Berlin, Gerlach and Pohl each make a case for the importance of food supplies in the extermination of the Jews. Aly and Heim, arguing forward from the logic of prewar planning, present a kind of negative explanation for the Holocaust: the Jews were already regarded as harmful in future designs and as useless consumers of present necessities. Hitler certainly undertook the war against the Soviet Union on the understanding that food supplies could thereby be secured during the war and for future wars. It is certainly true that the Hunger Plan, real supply difficulties for the Wehrmacht, and the perceived need to satisfy German civilians mattered a great deal on the eastern front generally. The concern for food made it easier for officers to endorse killing Jews. As the war continued, the economic argument about Jewish labor would be countered by the economic argument about the food Jews would eat. I agree that food played a much greater role in the process than it might appear from English-language literature on the Holocaust. But I do not believe that food (or any other economic consideration) can explain the timing or the precise content of Hitler’s policy as conveyed in December 1941. It was
an ideological expression and political resolution of pressing problems arising from a failed colonial war. It was also a choice.
50
Quotation: Edele, “States,” 374.
Quotation: Edele, “States,” 374.
51
On the 3 January meeting of Hitler with the Japanese ambassador, see Hauner,
Axis Strategy
, 384. See also Lukacs,
Last European War
, 143.
On the 3 January meeting of Hitler with the Japanese ambassador, see Hauner,
Axis Strategy
, 384. See also Lukacs,
Last European War
, 143.
52
Krebs, “Japan,” 547-554.
Krebs, “Japan,” 547-554.
53
German propaganda was making the case explicitly; see Herf,
Jewish Enemy
, 100, 128. Compare Gerlach, “Wannsee.” The recent scholarly emphasis upon Himmler and December has much to do with Gerlach’s work and with the publication of Witte,
Dienstkalendar
, and Longerich,
Himmler.
Himmler was the crucial executor of a policy for which Hitler was responsible.
German propaganda was making the case explicitly; see Herf,
Jewish Enemy
, 100, 128. Compare Gerlach, “Wannsee.” The recent scholarly emphasis upon Himmler and December has much to do with Gerlach’s work and with the publication of Witte,
Dienstkalendar
, and Longerich,
Himmler.
Himmler was the crucial executor of a policy for which Hitler was responsible.
54
Quoted and discussed, for example, in Longerich,
Unwritten Order
, 95; Gerlach,
Krieg
, 123; Gerlach, “Wannsee,” 783, 790; Kershaw,
Fateful Choices
, 466; Tooze,
Wages of Destruction
, 504; and Mazower,
Hitler’s Empire
, 376 (for the Frank quotation as well). As Friedländer points out in a persuasive passage, this was one of a cluster of such statements; see
Extermination
, 281.
Quoted and discussed, for example, in Longerich,
Unwritten Order
, 95; Gerlach,
Krieg
, 123; Gerlach, “Wannsee,” 783, 790; Kershaw,
Fateful Choices
, 466; Tooze,
Wages of Destruction
, 504; and Mazower,
Hitler’s Empire
, 376 (for the Frank quotation as well). As Friedländer points out in a persuasive passage, this was one of a cluster of such statements; see
Extermination
, 281.
58
See Kroener, “Frozen Blitzkrieg,” 140, 148.
See Kroener, “Frozen Blitzkrieg,” 140, 148.
60
On Serbia, see Manoschek,
Serbien
, 79, 107, 186-197; and Evans,
Third Reich at War
, 237, 259. The blame for the death of the Jews, in this conception, did not rest on the Germans. If the United States was a Jewish state, went the Nazi reasoning, its leaders must have understood that Hitler was keeping alive the Jews of Europe as hostages. If the United States entered the war, it followed, Washington was responsible for the death of these hostages. Of course, no one in the United States actually reasoned in this way, and the American entry into the war had little if anything to do with European or American Jews. See Longerich,
Unwritten Order
, 55; Friedländer,
Extermination
, 265, 281; Arad,
Soviet Union
, 139; and Gerlach, “Wannsee.”
On Serbia, see Manoschek,
Serbien
, 79, 107, 186-197; and Evans,
Third Reich at War
, 237, 259. The blame for the death of the Jews, in this conception, did not rest on the Germans. If the United States was a Jewish state, went the Nazi reasoning, its leaders must have understood that Hitler was keeping alive the Jews of Europe as hostages. If the United States entered the war, it followed, Washington was responsible for the death of these hostages. Of course, no one in the United States actually reasoned in this way, and the American entry into the war had little if anything to do with European or American Jews. See Longerich,
Unwritten Order
, 55; Friedländer,
Extermination
, 265, 281; Arad,
Soviet Union
, 139; and Gerlach, “Wannsee.”
61
That such camouflage was felt to be necessary is a telling sign, since it reveals the Nazis’ supposition that someone else might read their documents, which would happen only if they lost the war. Stalinists and Stalin himself had no such difficulties writing, signing, and filing direct orders to kill large numbers of people.
That such camouflage was felt to be necessary is a telling sign, since it reveals the Nazis’ supposition that someone else might read their documents, which would happen only if they lost the war. Stalinists and Stalin himself had no such difficulties writing, signing, and filing direct orders to kill large numbers of people.
62
Birn, “Anti-Partisan Warfare,” 289.
Birn, “Anti-Partisan Warfare,” 289.
63
For the count, see Brandon, “The First Wave.”
For the count, see Brandon, “The First Wave.”
66
Pohl, “Schauplatz,” 153, 162. The gas chambers are the subject of Chapter 8.
Pohl, “Schauplatz,” 153, 162. The gas chambers are the subject of Chapter 8.
67
Pohl counts thirty-seven thousand auxiliary policemen active in July 1942 in the Reichskommissariat Ukraine; see “Hilfskräfte,” 210.
Pohl counts thirty-seven thousand auxiliary policemen active in July 1942 in the Reichskommissariat Ukraine; see “Hilfskräfte,” 210.
68
These Volhynian communities are treated in greater detail in Spector,
Volhynian Jews
, and Snyder, “West Volhynian Jews,” 77-84. The fate of Galician Jews, discussed in Chapter 8, was different; see Pohl,
Ostgalizien
, and Sandkühler,
Galizien.
These Volhynian communities are treated in greater detail in Spector,
Volhynian Jews
, and Snyder, “West Volhynian Jews,” 77-84. The fate of Galician Jews, discussed in Chapter 8, was different; see Pohl,
Ostgalizien
, and Sandkühler,
Galizien.
69
Arad, in
Soviet Union
at 521 and 524, counts 1,561,000-1,628,000 murdered Jews in the lands annexed by the USSR, as well as 946,000-996,000 Jews of the prewar Soviet Union. See also Snyder, “West Volhynian Jews,” 85-89.
Arad, in
Soviet Union
at 521 and 524, counts 1,561,000-1,628,000 murdered Jews in the lands annexed by the USSR, as well as 946,000-996,000 Jews of the prewar Soviet Union. See also Snyder, “West Volhynian Jews,” 85-89.
70
Grynberg,
Życie
, 602; Spektor, “Żydzi wołyńscy,” 477; Snyder, “West Volhynian Jews,” 91-96; Pohl, “Schauplatz,” 158-162.
Grynberg,
Życie
, 602; Spektor, “Żydzi wołyńscy,” 477; Snyder, “West Volhynian Jews,” 91-96; Pohl, “Schauplatz,” 158-162.
71
For the Judenrat negotiations, see letters of 8 and 10 May 1942, DAR 22/1/10=USHMM RG-31.017M-2. See also Grynberg,
Życie
, 588; Spektor, “Żydzi wołyńscy,” 477; and Snyder, “West Volhynian Jews,” 91-96.
For the Judenrat negotiations, see letters of 8 and 10 May 1942, DAR 22/1/10=USHMM RG-31.017M-2. See also Grynberg,
Życie
, 588; Spektor, “Żydzi wołyńscy,” 477; and Snyder, “West Volhynian Jews,” 91-96.
72
ŻIH 301/1982; ŻIH 301/5657;
Sefer Lutsk
, “Calendar of Pain, Resistance and Destruction”; Grynberg,
Życie
, 584-586, quotation at 586.
ŻIH 301/1982; ŻIH 301/5657;
Sefer Lutsk
, “Calendar of Pain, Resistance and Destruction”; Grynberg,
Życie
, 584-586, quotation at 586.
73
Spektor, “Żydzi wołyńscy,” 477; Snyder, “West Volhynian Jews,” 91-96. For “useless eaters,” see Grynberg,
Życie
, 577. Regarding the Great Synagogue in Kovel and for the quotations in the next paragraph, see ŻIH/1644. The inscriptions were noted by Hanoch Hammer. The Soviets used the synagogue to store grain.
CHAPTER 7: HOLOCAUST AND REVENGESpektor, “Żydzi wołyńscy,” 477; Snyder, “West Volhynian Jews,” 91-96. For “useless eaters,” see Grynberg,
Życie
, 577. Regarding the Great Synagogue in Kovel and for the quotations in the next paragraph, see ŻIH/1644. The inscriptions were noted by Hanoch Hammer. The Soviets used the synagogue to store grain.
1
Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 374; Szybieka,
Historia
, 337. Compare Edele, “States,” 348, 361. On the 19 July ghetto order, see
Verbrechen
, 80.
Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 374; Szybieka,
Historia
, 337. Compare Edele, “States,” 348, 361. On the 19 July ghetto order, see
Verbrechen
, 80.
2
On the first killing actions, see Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 506, 549, 639; Matthäus, “Reibungslos,” 260; Longerich,
Vernichtung
, 370 (women); Epstein,
Minsk
, 81; and Ehrenburg,
Black Book
, 116. On the 7-9 November killings, see Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 506, 509, 624; Smolar,
Ghetto
, 41; Ehrenburg,
Black Book
, 118; and Rubenstein,
Unknown
, 237-238, 245, 251. Other symbolic murders: the Germans carried out an action on 23 February 1942 (Red Army Day) and shot Jewish women on 8 March 1942 (International Women’s Day).
On the first killing actions, see Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 506, 549, 639; Matthäus, “Reibungslos,” 260; Longerich,
Vernichtung
, 370 (women); Epstein,
Minsk
, 81; and Ehrenburg,
Black Book
, 116. On the 7-9 November killings, see Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 506, 509, 624; Smolar,
Ghetto
, 41; Ehrenburg,
Black Book
, 118; and Rubenstein,
Unknown
, 237-238, 245, 251. Other symbolic murders: the Germans carried out an action on 23 February 1942 (Red Army Day) and shot Jewish women on 8 March 1942 (International Women’s Day).
7
Quotation: Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 90.
Quotation: Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 90.
8
On the boots taken from dead or captured soldiers, see
Ich werde es nie vergessen
, 66, 188; and Merridale,
Ivan’s War
, 138.
On the boots taken from dead or captured soldiers, see
Ich werde es nie vergessen
, 66, 188; and Merridale,
Ivan’s War
, 138.
9
Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 768; Epstein,
Minsk
, 22; Smolar,
Ghetto
, 15; Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 221.
Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 768; Epstein,
Minsk
, 22; Smolar,
Ghetto
, 15; Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 221.
10
On the humiliations reserved for Jews, see Rubenstein,
Unknown
, 256; also Ehrenburg,
Black Book
, 125. On Eberl, see Grabher,
Eberl
, 66. On the film, see Longerich,
Himmler
, 552.
On the humiliations reserved for Jews, see Rubenstein,
Unknown
, 256; also Ehrenburg,
Black Book
, 125. On Eberl, see Grabher,
Eberl
, 66. On the film, see Longerich,
Himmler
, 552.
11
On the “beauty contest,” see Ehrenburg,
Black Book
, 132; and Smolar,
Ghetto
, 22. On the evening in autumn 1941, see Smolar,
Ghetto
, 46. Quotation: Rubenstein,
Unknown
, 244. At the nearby Koldychevo concentration camp, guards serially raped and murdered women; see Chiari,
Alltag
, 192.
On the “beauty contest,” see Ehrenburg,
Black Book
, 132; and Smolar,
Ghetto
, 22. On the evening in autumn 1941, see Smolar,
Ghetto
, 46. Quotation: Rubenstein,
Unknown
, 244. At the nearby Koldychevo concentration camp, guards serially raped and murdered women; see Chiari,
Alltag
, 192.
14
Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 228. For biographical details on Smolar, see “Ankieta,” 10 August 1949, AAN, teczka osobowa 5344.
Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 228. For biographical details on Smolar, see “Ankieta,” 10 August 1949, AAN, teczka osobowa 5344.
16
On the signaling of danger, see Smolar,
Ghetto
, 62. On the Jewish policemen, see Epstein,
Minsk
, 125. On the gloves and socks, see Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 680. On the guides, see Smolar,
Ghetto
, 95; and Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 164. For the ball, see Epstein,
Minsk
, 215.
On the signaling of danger, see Smolar,
Ghetto
, 62. On the Jewish policemen, see Epstein,
Minsk
, 125. On the gloves and socks, see Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 680. On the guides, see Smolar,
Ghetto
, 95; and Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 164. For the ball, see Epstein,
Minsk
, 215.
17
Brakel, “Versorgung,” 400-401.
Brakel, “Versorgung,” 400-401.
19
Klein, “Zwischen,” 89. See also Hull,
Absolute Destruction
; Anderson, “Incident”; and Lagrou, “Guerre Honorable.”
Klein, “Zwischen,” 89. See also Hull,
Absolute Destruction
; Anderson, “Incident”; and Lagrou, “Guerre Honorable.”
20
On Franz Halder and his nuclear-weapon fantasy, see Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 558. On Himmler and the thirty million Slavs, see Sawicki,
Zburzenie
, 284. Quotation: Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 228.
On Franz Halder and his nuclear-weapon fantasy, see Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 558. On Himmler and the thirty million Slavs, see Sawicki,
Zburzenie
, 284. Quotation: Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 228.
21
Quotations: Birn, “Anti-Partisan Warfare,” 286;
Verbrechen
, 469. See also Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 566.
Quotations: Birn, “Anti-Partisan Warfare,” 286;
Verbrechen
, 469. See also Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 566.
22
Szybieka,
Historia
, 348; Mironowicz,
Białoruś
, 158; Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 232; Klein, “Zwischen,” 90.
Szybieka,
Historia
, 348; Mironowicz,
Białoruś
, 158; Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 232; Klein, “Zwischen,” 90.
24
Quotation: Matthäus, “Reibungslos,” 261.
Quotation: Matthäus, “Reibungslos,” 261.
25
Smolar,
Ghetto
, 72; Cholawsky, “Judenrat,” 125. For the figure 3,412, see Matthäus, “Reibungslos,” 262. On Lipski, see Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 158.
Smolar,
Ghetto
, 72; Cholawsky, “Judenrat,” 125. For the figure 3,412, see Matthäus, “Reibungslos,” 262. On Lipski, see Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 158.
26
Cholawsky, “Judenrat,” 123; Epstein,
Minsk
, 133. On Heydrich, see Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 694. On the fur coats, see Browning,
Origins
, 300.
Cholawsky, “Judenrat,” 123; Epstein,
Minsk
, 133. On Heydrich, see Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 694. On the fur coats, see Browning,
Origins
, 300.
27
On the figure cited, see Smolar,
Ghetto
, 98. Quotation: Ehrenburg,
Black Book
, 189. See also Cholawsky, “Judenrat,” 126; and Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 704.
On the figure cited, see Smolar,
Ghetto
, 98. Quotation: Ehrenburg,
Black Book
, 189. See also Cholawsky, “Judenrat,” 126; and Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 704.
28
On the gas vans, see Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 1075; and Rubenstein,
Unknown
, 245, 248, 266-267. For “soul destroyers,” see Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 162.
On the gas vans, see Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 1075; and Rubenstein,
Unknown
, 245, 248, 266-267. For “soul destroyers,” see Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 162.
30
Smolar,
Ghetto
, 158; Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 231; Brakel, “Versorgung,” 400-401. On the women and children, see Smilovitsky, “Antisemitism,” 218.
Smolar,
Ghetto
, 158; Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 231; Brakel, “Versorgung,” 400-401. On the women and children, see Smilovitsky, “Antisemitism,” 218.
31
On Zorin, see Slepyan,
Guerillas
, 209; and Epstein,
Minsk
, 24. On the raid, see Ehrenburg,
Black Book
, 135. On Rufeisen, see Matthäus, “Reibungslos,” 254.
On Zorin, see Slepyan,
Guerillas
, 209; and Epstein,
Minsk
, 24. On the raid, see Ehrenburg,
Black Book
, 135. On Rufeisen, see Matthäus, “Reibungslos,” 254.
32
Tec,
Defiance
, 80, 82, 145, 185, quotation at 80; Slepyan,
Guerillas
, 210; Musial, “Sowjetische,” 185, 201-202.
Tec,
Defiance
, 80, 82, 145, 185, quotation at 80; Slepyan,
Guerillas
, 210; Musial, “Sowjetische,” 185, 201-202.
33
On the 23,000 partisans and the “partisan republics,” see Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 231. On the civilians, see Brakel,
Unter Rotem Stern
, 290, 304; Szybieka,
Historia
, 349; Slepyan,
Guerillas
, 81; and Mironowicz,
Białoruś
, 160. On the locomotives, see Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 868.
On the 23,000 partisans and the “partisan republics,” see Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 231. On the civilians, see Brakel,
Unter Rotem Stern
, 290, 304; Szybieka,
Historia
, 349; Slepyan,
Guerillas
, 81; and Mironowicz,
Białoruś
, 160. On the locomotives, see Gerlach,
Kalkulierte Morde
, 868.
36
Kravets and Gerassimova are quoted in Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 47, 126. For the use of “whore” as the standard mode of address, see Chiari,
Alltag
, 256. On the game of hide-and-seek, see Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 164.
Kravets and Gerassimova are quoted in Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 47, 126. For the use of “whore” as the standard mode of address, see Chiari,
Alltag
, 256. On the game of hide-and-seek, see Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 164.
37
On 18 August, see Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 232; and Westermann, “Ideological Soldiers,” 57. On “special treatment,” see Musial,
Mythos
, 145. On the villagers to be destroyed “like Jews,” see Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 239.
On 18 August, see Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 232; and Westermann, “Ideological Soldiers,” 57. On “special treatment,” see Musial,
Mythos
, 145. On the villagers to be destroyed “like Jews,” see Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 239.
39
For the reckoning of 208,089 Jews killed in Belarus in 1942, see Brandon, “The Holocaust in 1942.” This does not include the Białystok region, which was part of the BSSR in 1939-1941 but not after the war.
For the reckoning of 208,089 Jews killed in Belarus in 1942, see Brandon, “The Holocaust in 1942.” This does not include the Białystok region, which was part of the BSSR in 1939-1941 but not after the war.
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