Tudor (67 page)

16
.
  
Mancini,
Usurpation of Richard the Third
, pp. 100, 101.

17
.
  
Vergil,
Three Books
, pp. 222, 223.

18
.
  
This man, named Bigod, later worked in the household of Margaret Beaufort. Quoted in Michael Bennett,
The Battle of Bosworth
(2000), p. 87.

19
.
  
Hall,
Chronicle
, p. 419. He refers to ‘Jack of Norfolk', Shakespeare to ‘Jockey', also a diminutive of John. Dickon is the equivalent of the modern ‘Dicky' for Richard.

20
.
  
She was dead by 1485 but they had several children.

21
.
  
‘The Ballad of Bosworth Field' in Bennett,
The Battle of Bosworth
, pp. 152–7; springals fired stones using a compressed spring.

22
.
  
The chronicler Hall recalled Norfolk ‘manfully died . . . to his great fame and laud'. Hall,
Chronicle
, p. 419. Other accounts suggest a different death. According to the Burgundian Jean Molinet writing in around 1490, Norfolk was captured and Henry Tudor sent him to the Earl of Oxford, who executed him. For yet more accounts of his death and descriptions of the hole in the skull of what may be Norfolk's body, dug up in the nineteenth century, see Ashdown-Hill,
Richard III's Beloved Cousin
, pp. 114, 115, 129. Several fifteenth-century sources including Molinet are also quoted at length at
http://www.r3.org/bosworth/chron3.html
. On Longe, see John Alban, ‘The Will of a Norfolk Soldier at Bosworth' in
Richardian
22 (2012).

23
.
  
http://www.r3.org/bosworth/chron3.html
: early 1486, Diego de Valera, Castilian courtier, in E. M. Nokes and G. Wheeler, ‘A Spanish account of the battle of Bosworth' in
Ricardian
2, No. 36 (1972), p. 2. It is a sentiment repeated in ‘The Song of Lady Bessy': ‘For upon this field will I like a many die.'
http://www.archive.org/stream/mostpleasantsong00londrich/mostpleasantsog00londrich_djvu.txt
.

24
.
  
Hall,
Chronicle
, p. 418.

25
.
  
Recorded by John Rous of Warwick (d.1492).

26
.
  
Hall,
Chronicle
, p. 419.

27
.
  
http://www.r3.org/bosworth/chron3.html#molinet
. The halberd is a long shaft with an axe blade mounted with a spike, and a hook or thorn behind. It remains the ceremonial weapon of the Swiss Guard to the Vatican.

28
.
  
According to the ballad tradition of ‘The Song of Lady Bessy', the original of which was current in 1500, ‘They beat his bassnet to his head/Untill the braine came out with bloode.' Several accounts describe the body being assaulted, although the helmet must have stayed in reasonable condition to be used later to crown Henry.

29
.
  
Contemporaries never mentioned any hawthorn bushes at Bosworth. The colour green, also used by the Tudors, is another symbol of renewal. Henderson, ‘Retrieving the “Crown in the Hawthorn Bush”', in op. cit., pp. 170, 245.

30
.
  
Great Chronicle of London
, in op. cit., p. 110.

31
.
  
Diego de Valera's account: see Bennett,
The Battle of Bosworth
, p. 138.

32
.
  
A. F. Sutton and L. Visser-Fuchs,
The Hours of Richard III
(1990), pp. 39–40.

33
.
  
York Memoranda, 23 August 1485: see Bennett,
The Battle of Bosworth
, p. 131. The Earl of Northumberland would never be forgiven for his failure to fight for his king. A few years later, when he was attacked by a Yorkshire mob angry over tax collection, his retainers stood by and allowed him to be lynched.

                
Barons, knightis, squyers, one and alle,

                
. . . Turnd ther backis and let ther master fall,

                
. . . Alas his golde, his fee, his annuall rente,

                
Upon suche a sort was ille bestowde and spent!

       
(John Skelton 1460?–1529, ‘An Elegy on Henry 4th Earl of Northumberland').

34
.
  
DeLloyd J. Guth, ‘Richard III, Henry VII and the City' in op. cit., pp. 194–5.

9
     
The Rose and the Passion

  
1
.
  
Mancini,
Usurpation of Richard the Third
, p. 103.

  
2
.
  
More,
The History of Richard III
.

  
3
.
  
Visser-Fuchs, ‘English Events in Caspar Weinreich's Danzig Chronicle' in op. cit., pp. 316, 317.

  
4
.
  
Dates differ:
Great Chronicle of London
says 3 September in op. cit., p. 111; Vergil,
Anglica Historia
, pp. 2–5.

  
5
.
  
Griffiths and Thomas,
The Making of the Tudor Dynasty
, p. 167.

  
6
.
  
Sean Cunningham,
Henry VII
(2007), p. 117.

  
7
.
  
Great Chronicle of London
in op. cit., p. 111.

  
8
.
  
The Parliament Rolls of Medieval England 1275–1504
(ed Chris Given-Wilson) (16 vols., 2005), Vol. 15 (ed Rosemary Horrox), p. 107.

  
9
.
  
His mother's possessions illustrate the connection: amongst them she would later bequeath a jewelled ornament of a ‘rose with an image of Our Lord and in every nail a pointed diamond, and four pearls, with tokens of the passion on the backside'. Henderson, ‘Retrieving the “Crown in the Hawthorn Bush”' in op. cit., p. 245. The Passion was also associated with the fashionable cult of the Holy Name, of which Margaret Beaufort was an enthusiast, and would do much to promote. The symbol IHS (an abbreviation of Jesus) even became a badge of the Tudors, and the rose was often depicted with the monogram at its heart. Susan Wabuda,
Preaching During the English Reformation
(2002), pp. 147–63. See the image on p. 157 depicted in Margaret Beaufort's translation of ‘The Mirror of Gold for the Sinful Soul', etc. Today the red rose is a symbol of love – as, in a religious sense, it always was.

10
.
  
Henderson, ‘Rethinking Henry VII' in op. cit., p. 336.

11
.
  
English Coronation Records
(ed Leopold George Wickham Legg) (1901), pp. 203–6.

12
.
  
Harris,
Edward Stafford
, pp. 29, 30.

13
.
  
As well as that of his younger brother, Henry.

14
.
  
They do not seem ever to have grown close – Jasper never mentioned her in his will.

15
.
  
His heirs would later come to be the last white-rose opponents of the Lancastrian house.

16
.
  
As John Fisher recalled.

17
.
  
Ross,
Richard III
, pp. 136, 138.

18
.
  
Just how important his wife's looks were to him is indicated by the detailed list of twenty-four questions he later posed concerning a possible future bride – the young Queen of Naples in 1505. He was very concerned to discover whether she had ‘any hair on her lips' and asked open-ended questions about her breasts, hair and eye colour, complexion, fingers, arms, neck, and almost every other part of her body.
CSPS
1 (436). For details of Elizabeth of York's effigy, see Harvey and Mortimer,
The Funeral Effigies of Westminister Abbey
, p. 45.

19
.
  
The heiress was Mary Bohun; also for reference to the position of carver see National Archives, Cowdray 4934, f. 67.

20
.
  
Blaauw, ‘On the Effigy . . .' , op. cit., p. 25, quoting British Library Cotton MSS Vitellius B XII, p. 124. Sir David would also attend the baptisms of Elizabeth and Henry's first son, Arthur, and the future Henry VIII, as well as attending Arthur's marriage to Katherine of Aragon.

21
.
  
Henry's great ally John Morton, Bishop of Ely, had spent several months in Rome early in 1485 promoting the advantages of Henry Tudor as King of England. The papal bull was issued with astonishing speed on 27 March 1486, confirming Henry's right to the throne as endorsed by victory in battle, ‘and by the ordinance and authority of Parliament made by the three estates of this land'.
Tudor Royal Proclamations
, 3 vols. (eds P. L. Hughes and J. F. Larkin) (1964–9), Vol. 1, No. 5, pp. 6–7.

22
.
  
Henry also stopped using the heraldic device of the Dun Cow, with its Neville associations.

23
.
  
Anglo, ‘Early Tudor Propaganda' in op. cit., p. 27.

24
.
  
Public vows of betrothal followed by consummation made a marriage legal before a wedding. It is therefore possible Elizabeth's
child was conceived before the ceremony. Roy Strong,
Coronation: A History of Kingship and the British Monarchy
(2005), p. 139.

25
.
  
Raluca Radulescu, ‘Malory and Fifteenth-Century Political Ideas' in
Arthuriana
13, No. 3 (2003), p. 39.

10
   
Securing the Succession

  
1
.
  
A Benedictine monastery.

  
2
.
  
Beaufort Hours in F. Madden, ‘Genealogical and Historical notes in Ancient Calenders' in
Collectanea Topographia et Genealogica
I (1834), p. 279.

  
3
.
  
Sir Thomas Malory,
Le Morte d'Arthur
(1485): ‘And many men say that there ys wrytten uppon the thumbe thys:
HIC IACET ARTHURUS, REX QUONDAM, REXQUE FUTURUS
'.

4
.
  
A Collection of Letters and State Papers, from the Original Manuscripts of Several Princes and Great Personages in the Two Last Centuries, etc
. (comp. Leonard Howard) (2 vols., 1756), Vol. 1, pp. 228, 229.

  
5
.
  
E. M. G. Routh,
Lady Margaret: A Memoir of Lady Margaret Beaufort
(1924), pp. 64, 65.

  
6
.
  
Griffiths and Thomas,
The Making of the Tudor Dynasty
, p. 183; Jones and Underwood,
The King's Mother
, p. 69.

  
7
.
  
For the servant Henry Parker's account, see British Library Add MSS 12060.

  
8
.
  
The esquire was Thomas Kyme.

  
9
.
  
Arlene Naylor Okerlund,
Elizabeth of York
(2009) pp. 95–7;
Excerpta Historica
(ed Samuel Bentley) (1831), p. 285.

10
.
  
John Leland,
De Rebus Britannicis
(ed Thomas Hearne) (1774), Vol. 4, p. 254.

11
.
  
Ibid.

12
.
  
Davies, ‘Information, disinformation . . .' in op. cit., p. 6;
Ricardian
7, No. 95 (December 1986).

13
.
  
Leigh Ann Craig, ‘Royalty, Virtue, and Adversity: The Cult of King Henry VI' in
Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies
35, No. 2 (summer 2003), p. 190.

14
.
  
Condon, ‘The Last Will of Henry VII' in op. cit., p. 133.

15
.
  
On her subsequent treatment and funeral, see Chapter 11.

16
.
  
The Danzig merchant who knew Henry as ‘King Richmond' referred to the pretender without quibble in his chronicle as ‘the son of . . . the Duke of Clarence'. Visser-Fuchs, ‘English Events in Caspar Weinreich's Danzig Chronicle' in op. cit., p. 317.

17
.
  
The fact that her only surviving son, Thomas Grey, Marquess of Dorset, was arrested during the crises is indicative of Henry's suspicion that even members of the extended family could not be entirely trusted not to betray him.

18
.
  
The duke had been killed fighting the Swiss at Nancy in January 1477, losing the French province of Burgundy back to the French crown.