The Witches: Salem, 1692 (65 page)

“For prophecy is history”: Noyes,
New-England’s Duty
.

“timorous women”: R, 739; also R, 687–88, 697. For the inventory, Francis Foxcroft to Colonel Lidget, October 6, 1692, Frederick L. Gay Family Papers, Ms. N-131, box 1, MHS. He reported 120 in jail and twice as many accused.

“that in a place of so much”: Hale in Burr, 423.

“the more capable”: CM to Stephen Sewall, September 20, 1692, NEHGS.

“almost a continual conversation”:
CM Diary,
2: 267.

On September 22: The Sewall interior is from LaPlante,
Salem Witch Judge,
22; SS
Diary,
1: 297; e-mail with David Hall, July 6, 2014.

“a most horrible”: Phips letter of October 12, 1692; R, 686–78.

“agitated controversy”:
WOW,
84; “strange ferment”: R, 686. CM too referred to the “dreadful ferment.”

“they would proceed differently”: Phips to Nottingham, February 21, 1693; R, 810. Brattle indicated as much in early October; these men were ready to “throw up their commissions.”

“not a God in Boston”: Brattle in Burr, 179–80.

“so that perhaps” to “honest woman as a witch”: IM,
Cases of Conscience
. On the meeting,
Proceedings of the MHS,
vol. 17 (1879), 267–68.

“It is, after all”: Michel de Montaigne,
Essais
(Paris: Flammarion, 1979), 244.

“A black thing”: R, 681.

“We here hope”: Haefeli, “Dutch New York,” 306.

“unkindness, abuse”: Brattle in Burr, 187.

“enchanted into a raging”:
CM Diary,
1: 151.

“like mad men”: CM to John Cotton, October 20, 1692, John J. Burns Library, Boston College.

“any man, much less”: To IM, January 9, 1693, cited in Thomas Hutchinson,
History of the Colony and Province of Massachusetts Bay
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1936), vol. 2, 18.

“besides its nature”: Samuel Willard, Sermon 53, April 19, 1692, in
Compleat Body of Divinity,
184.

“subvert this government” to “misinformed”: Willard preface to IM,
Cases of Conscience
.

Elizabeth Knapp: See Willard, “Samuel Willard’s Account.” In a 1679 case that, like Knapp’s, IM included in
IP,
151, a Newbury boy “barked like a dog, and clucked like a hen.” IM discussed Knapp in
IP;
see Burr, 21–23; CM included her in
Magnalia,
2: 390–91, reducing the story to four paragraphs. Both also bled the pathos from it. She comes off more as a curiosity than a girl in pain, either bored or frightened out of her wits. As he did with Salem, CM emphasized her cries of “Money! Money!” He took liberties with the neighbor, who causes Knapp “grievous agonies,” something she did not have in the original. And he inserted a demon into the story. On Willard and his matchless preaching, Seymour Van Dyken,
Samuel Willard, 1640–1707: Preacher of Orthodoxy in an Era of Change
(Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1972), 44. For not pausing in his preaching, SS
Diary,
1: 287. “belched forth”: IM in Burr, 22. I am grateful to Robert J. O’Hara for information on Elizabeth Knapp’s fate and to Reverend Nancy S. Taylor for details about Willard’s arrival at the Third (Old South) Church. Willard wrung evangelical mileage: See Samuel Willard,
Useful Instructions for a Professing People in Times of Great Security and Degeneracy
(Cambridge, MA: Samuel Green, 1673), 29–43.

“What will you do”:
Magnalia,
2: 493.

“the greatest and most amazing”: SS
Diary,
1: 44.

S. objects: Brown, “The Salem Witchcraft Trials.” Mary Rhinelander McCarl is excellent on the 1692 publishing climate; see “Spreading the News of Satan’s Malignity in Salem: Benjamin Harris, Printer and Publisher of the Witchcraft Narratives,”
EIHC
129 (January 1993): 39–61. Haefeli, “Dutch New York,” 279, suspects Willard wrote the piece in reaction to IM’s about-face of a postscript to
Cases
.

Thomas Brattle: Reproduced in Burr, 168–90; see also Rick Kennedy’s splendid “Thomas Brattle and the Scientific Provincialism of New England,”
New England Quarterly
(December 1990): 584–600. Brattle went on to master trigonometry; he qualifies as one of those rare men who could legitimately blame his college education for his future miscalculations. He and Sewall had contemplated another riddle together several years earlier, in Stonehenge. The identity of his 1692 correspondent remains a mystery. The men he identified as the prime movers were also those who had endorsed Lawson’s March sermon. His letter is notably lacking in scriptural references.

the New York ministers: Joseph Dudley, who directed the Glover trial, appears to have submitted the questions; Burr, 195n;
Proceedings of the MHS,
vol. 50 (1884), 348–53; Calef claimed he did as well. If so, neither the Mathers nor Stoughton enlisted him to do it. Thomas Newton or Willard (twice his brother-in-law, and in close touch with the New York clergymen) might have done so. Interview with David Hall, January 12, 2013, the letter constituted a clear brush-off toward the Massachusetts clergy. In John Miller,
New Yorke Considered and Improved A.D. 1695,
ed. Victor Hugo Paltsits (New York, 1901), 123. John Miller said an uneasy Phips requested the advice. See also Selyns letter of December 30, 1692, in
Ecclesiastical Records: State of New York,
vol. 7 (Albany: University of the State of New York, 1916), 1046.

“generously given”: Miller,
New Yorke Considered,
15.

“lies, miracles” to “nourishment than before”:
Proceedings of the MHS,
vol. 1 (1884), 353–58.

Phips’s October letter: Phips in Burr, 196–98. He hews closely to IM’s
Cases
. In a separate letter that day he touched on subjects he preferred to sorcery, reporting on his success in battling the French and Indians, proposing a new attempt on Canada. He assured London the country was behind him. With six hundred men he had defeated NE’s enemies; with sufficient ships, he could rout them in the spring. He sounds eminently capable if not downright invincible; see Phips to Nottingham, October 12, 1692, UK file, CO 5/751, no. 15, PRO. Norton, in
In the Devil’s Snare,
237–39, first noted that Phips’s absence from Boston was fictitious.

“the spirit of lying”: David D. Hall,
Ways of Writing: The Practice and Politics of Text-Making in Seventeenth-Century New England
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 185. See McCarl, “Spreading the News,” 49–50; Bridenbaugh,
Cities in the Wilderness,
130–31. As for wheels within wheels, Benjamin Harris’s business partner was the nephew of Reverend James Allen, a Mather intimate, a signatory to
Cases,
a minister to whom Procter appealed, and a participant at the Sewall fast for Alden.

“like the production of elephants”: Cited in Jacobsen,
William Blathwayt,
476. On communication between the two worlds, David Cressy,
Coming Over: Migration and Communication Between England and New England in the Seventeenth Century
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989).

“considering the place”: Stoughton preface to
WOW,
6.

“Penitent confessors” to “and trouble”: R, 687–88.

“distempered persons” to “good fame”: R, 690. That a change was in the air is clear from the penmanship; justice of the peace Dudley Bradstreet had resurfaced. The petition is strangely lacking in Fosters and Laceys.

“It is deplorable”: R, 692.

“and so thought”: R, 693. IM has been credited with that visit. As Rosenthal and others make clear, R 694n, there is no hard evidence that he did. Brattle was surely on the scene, if not the sole witness to the recantations. Either he had already paid a visit or this is the visit to which he refers in the October 8 letter. The women do not sound as if they are talking to a minister. And the scientific nature of the questions seems more like Brattle than anyone else. The touch test, R, 737–38.

How did cats: Briggs,
Witches and Neighbors,
28–30, 108–10.; Dennis C. Turner and Patrick Bateson, eds.
The Domestic Cat: The Biology of Its Behavior
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 189–90. Witches had long been known to prefer feline to canine form; British witches had confessed as much. The “archenemy”: MacKay,
The Witch Mania,
491.

“We desire your prayers”: Sewall letter book, 1685/86–1737, Ms. N-905, MHS. The letter is dated October 19, 1692.

“mire and mud”:
WOW,
22; “false reports”:
WOW,
5. Again CM and Lawson’s language chimed: The devil launched his attack from the heart of NE piety, “the first-born of our English settlements.” Both men mention courtroom pins, brimstone, a
suspect nearly hanged before their very eyes (“one thing which I had like to forget,” as Lawson put it), none of which appears in the extant documentation.

“horrible plot against”:
WOW,
14. Calef took CM to task for this in
More Wonders:
Was it not enough for things to happen; must they also turn out to have been prophesied? For IM proving how correct his forecasts had been with King Philip’s War, Hall,
Faithful Shepherd,
241.

“our most compassionate”:
WOW,
100. The reluctance to name GB may have indicated Burroughs had allies; interview with David Hall, January 4, 2015. In vain, CM had also denounced torture.

“matchless curiosities”:
WOW,
159. The typographical help:
WOW,
167.

the English publisher: See Albert B. Cook, “Damaging the Mathers: London Receives the News of Salem,”
New England Quarterly
65 (June 1992): 302–8;
Athenian Mercury,
December 24 and 31, 1692, January 14, 1693.

“With what sinful” to “rashest mobs”: CM to John Cotton, October 20, 1692, Cotton Mather Letters, John J. Burns Library, Boston College.

Father and son shared: David Levin, “Did the Mathers Disagree About the Salem Witchcraft Trials?,”
Proceedings of the AAS
(1985): 19–37. They did not see eye to eye even on the specifics; IM had warned against the Lord’s Prayer experiment, which CM endorsed. They differed too on the swim test.

“pity and prayers” to “could perform”: IM postscript to
Cases
.

“to lift up a standard”: Stoughton preface to
WOW,
7. He was quoting from CM to Stephen Sewall, September 20, 1692, NEHGS.

“after some jars” to “cursed by him”:
SPN,
211–15; interview with David Hall, October 29, 2012; e-mail with David Hall, August 6, 2014. See Richard Sibbes, “The Spouse, Her Earnest Desire After Christ,” in
The Complete Works of Richard Sibbes
(Edinburgh: James Nichol, 1862), 200–208. Increase Mather owned a copy of the Sibbes; one of the Mathers may well have suggested the sermon to SP.

“with a great rage” to “clouds of darkness”: R, 696. On the acrimony, SS
Diary,
1: 299; Murrin, “The Infernal Conspiracy,” 343. Among those in the room were Dudley Bradstreet and a Bradbury son-in-law, whose presence surely made an impression. The charter empowered Phips to dissolve the court unilaterally.

“perish with cold”: R, 697.

Dane’s daughter: R, 705. The cause of her husband’s incapacity was fits, of which he now suffered his second bout in five years.

“impartially administer”: SS
Diary,
1: 302. No such qualifying rule had existed before November, although it should have.

What use should they make: Calef in Burr, 382.

“We were in a way” to “this country”: Calef,
More Wonders,
152, and Lawson, letter appended to
A Further Account
.

“If any in the world”: Lawson, letter appended to
A Further Account;
R, 833. She died in jail before her release.

“too violent” to “well composed”: Phips letter of February 21, 1693, in R, 810–11.

taken a fall: Colonial State Papers, Massachusetts council minutes, February 22, 1693, CO 5/940, no. 201, PRO.

“restraint of enemies”: Massachusetts council minutes, February 2, 1693, February 23, 1693, CO 5/785, fols. 108v–109v, PRO.

“a supposed witchcraft”: Phips to Lords of Trade and Plantations, April 3, 1693, CO 5/857, no. 46, PRO.

a little backslapping: Phips to the Earl of Nottingham, September 11, 1693, CO/751, no. 37, PRO.

new storm:
CM Diary,
1: 172.

“Yet considering” to “abruptly”: Hale in Burr, 422. “I inquired”: Hale in Burr, 418.

declined to indict: R, 820. See Rosenthal,
Salem Story,
31, 226n, for her fate. She appears to have spent twenty-two months in prison.

“The truly terrible”:
The Rules of the Game,
Jean Renoir (1939).

“Oh Mother”: Hale in Burr, 419.

10 percent of Andover: Sher, “Brand of Infamy,” 2.

John Alden failed to turn up: SS
Diary,
1: 302, 310; e-mail from David Hall, August 6, 2014. Alden was acquitted in April of 1693; R, 733. Sewall would be in the room when Alden died in March 1702. The Aldens had taken in an English daughter when the couple fled; R, 917.

Philip English returned: See Le Beau, “Philip English”; R, 687.

“saints abroad” to “covenant with him”: Lawson,
The Duty and Property.
Delivered on December 25, 1692, the sermon was published in 1693 with a dedication to Samuel Sewall. David Hall thinks Lawson may also have intended the rebuke for parents of unbaptized children.

“to gratify neighbors”: January 17, 1693, Corwin Family Papers, Mss. 45, PEM.

“indefinable peculiarity”: Nathaniel Hawthorne,
The House of the Seven Gables
(Mineola, NY: Dover, 1999), 15.

“for they say”: R, 844.

“only as a malefactor” to “brand of infamy”: R, 848.

“damned crew” to “New Witch-land”: Scottow,
A Narrative,
43–44.

“persons of profligate”: R, 889; Hale in Burr, 422;
Magnalia,
1: 191–92.

“matchless enchantments”: CM, The Day, and the Work of the Day (Boston, 1693), 65.

“wicked and malicious”: Melyen letter of January 12, 1693, cited in Haefeli, “Dutch New York,” 308. For his background, Reis,
Damned Women,
129n.

the widow of George Jacobs: Many marriages took place among families of the survivors. It is unclear if it did so because they had known a similar trauma or because no one else would go near them. Roach,
Six Women of Salem,
379, notes that Bridget Bishop’s widowed son-in-law married the daughter of another executed witch.

Burroughs’s widow: Greene, “The Third Wife”; Ian Nelson Glade, “Mary (Burroughs) (Homier) (Hall) Tiffany,”
American Genealogist
48 (1972): 141–43. The marriage was short; a year later, her new husband would be in court for abusing her.

“a machine moved”: Benjamin Fletcher to Earl of Nottingham, March 8, 1693, CO 5/1081, no. 31, fols. 139r–140r, PRO.

“have been grievous”: Salem Book of Records, February 18, 1687, DAC.

Raiding Indians: I am grateful to Carol Majahad at the North Andover Historical Society for the observation.

lopped an accuser: It was Susannah Shelden. On commemoration, Kenneth E. Foote’s astute “To Remember and Forget: Archives, Memory, and Culture,”
American Archivist
(Summer 1990): 378–92. The entire year disappeared from other journals, like that of John Marshall, MHS; Willard did not include his mid-June warning against spectral evidence in his
Compleat Body of Divinity
. On Danforth, see Roger Thompson’s fine “The Case of Thomas Danforth.” For Norton on Winthrop, see
In the Devil’s Snare,
2003, 13; Peterson on Bromfield’s Willard notes,
EIHC
129, 101. As for the court record book, Higginson never let those pages out of his sight during the Hutchinson trial.

retrospective glosses: David Levin, “When Did Cotton Mather See the Angel?,”
Early American Literature
15 (Winter 1980): 271–75; David Levin, “Cotton Mather’s Misnamed Diary,”
American Literary History
2 (Summer 1990): 183–202.

the disaffected Nurse clan: B&N, 280–312; “the great prosecutor”: B&N, 283. Not only had Parris testified against Rebecca Nurse, but so had no fewer than six members of Deacon Putnam’s family.

“little knew”:
CM Diary,
1: 163–64.

Cotton Mather was in Salem:
CM Diary,
1: 171. The Mrs. Carver who felt the witch business abandoned prematurely was probably Dorothy Carver, whose husband had recently been held hostage by pirates.

“the greatest moderation”: R, 800.

William Phips sailed: Gura, “Cotton Mather’s Life of Phips,” 442. Phips had managed to cane not only an English sea captain but one whose right arm was in a sling at the time, then to imprison the royal officer “in the common jail, amongst witches and other felons.” On boycotting the farewell dinner, Baker and Reid,
New England Knight,
246.

they petitioned for him: The witch-cake baker, the farmers whom the spectral Sarah Good had terrified, Ingersoll, Dr. Griggs, and the men whom Martha Corey had warmly greeted on her doorstep in March 1692 all signed.

“been the beginner”: B&N, 266. The search for a new minister began that July. Among the eight candidates interviewed was the village’s first minister, James Bayley, which suggests that the Putnams may earlier have angled for his return.

“foolish people” and Beacon Hill: SS
Diary,
1: 354. It was Melyen. As early as November 22, Sewall prayed both that the Lord would save NE from witches and that he would vindicate the judges. However he understood that pardon, he believed that the court had something for which to answer.

a disconcerting trial: SS
Diary,
1: 359. Thomas Maule,
New England Persecutors Mauled with Their Own Weapons
(Boston, 1697). On Maule, see Matt Bushnell Jones, “Thomas Maule, the Salem Quaker, and Free Speech in Massachusetts Bay,”
EIHC
(January 1936): 1–42. From “rogues and whores” to “wicked lies”: Maule,
New England Persecutors,
36–37. The sputtering justice was Danforth, who had deposed the girls in April then sat out the next months, uneasy about the witchcraft court and (seemingly) silent.

“upon the brink”:
CM Diary,
1: 211. The other “nevertheless”: Ibid., 151.

“unto those errors”: George H. Moore, “Notes on the History of Witchcraft in Massachusetts,”
AAS Proceedings
(1882): 174;
CM Diary,
1: 214–16, 361–63. Also see William DeLoss Love Jr.,
The Fast and Thanksgiving Days of New England
(Boston: Houghton, 1895), 265–69; Calef in Burr, 385–86.

“wheedled and hectored” to “Salem tragedy”: SS
Diary,
1: 363–64. The entire household was on edge, eighteen-year-old Sam weeping about leaving home, Betty at her prospects for salvation.

“pardon all the errors”: Calef,
More Wonders,
154.

“reiterated strikes”: For Sewall’s apology, SS
Diary,
1: 366–67; LaPlante,
Salem Witch Judge,
199–205. Two of Sewall’s court colleagues may well have been present that day. On Stoughton’s disapproval, SS
Diary,
1: 403. Easily slighted, he did not like to take a stand alone; SS
Diary,
11: 1027; David S. Lovejoy, “Between Hell and Plum Island: Samuel Sewall and the Legacy of the Witches,”
New England Quarterly
70 (1997): 355–67.

ensnaring judicial procedures: “A Narrative of the Proceedings of Sir Edmund Andros and His Complices,” by several gentlemen who were of his Council, 1691, 10. Stoughton was named chief justice again in 1695, three years after Salem.

“willing to make”: Sibley, 200.

“divine displeasure” to “assaulted the country”:
CM Diary,
1: 216. It was his last explicit note of regret.

“such things” to “general delusion”: Calef in Burr, 387–88. They are the only twelve jurors whose apology survives—or who made one.

worked over those lines: “Another Brand Pluck’d,” in CM Papers, Ms. N-527, MHS.

English evidently threatened: Suffolk Files Collection, vol. 144, 135–38, General Sessions of the Peace Record Book, 4: 76–78, Massachusetts State Archives. He imitated Noyes at prayer “in a scoffing ridiculous manner”; he charged the Salem ministers and justices in particular with having murdered Rebecca Nurse and John Procter. Indicted, he apologized, August 2, 1722. On English and the evolving legend of Corwin’s corpse, Marilynne K. Roach, “The Corpse in the Cellar,”
New England Ancestors
(Fall 2007): 42–43. See also Belknap, “Philip English”; Cheever, “Philip English,” 198; Le Beau, “Philip English,” 8–10; Calef,
More Wonders,
119.

“And why”: CM on Margaret Rule, reproduced in Burr, 320; “haunted chambers,” ibid., 322. Calef wrote as much to indict Mather as to attack the trials, as Mather had written as much to exonerate friends as to elucidate events.

“intended by
hell
”:
CM Diary,
1: 156.

“as astonishing a manner”:
Magnalia,
1: 136. See also Gura, “Cotton Mather’s Life of Phips,” and David H. Watters, “The Spectral Identity of Sir William Phips,”
Early
American Literature
18 (Winter 1983): 219–32. Calef accused CM of erecting the monument to Phips as an elaborate decoy from the witchcraft. He was not wrong. As Watters emphasizes in CM’s retelling, the arrival of Phips and the new charter brings down the devil, intent on establishing a rival kingdom.

“in much anguish”:
CM Diary
1: 245. Trading shepherding for nautical metaphors, CM has Massachusetts befogged in what another minister called “the mortiferous sea of witchcraft,” with Phips steering it from shipwreck. CM stole the image and most of the line.

“Whole clouds of witnesses”:
Magnalia,
1: 193.

“horrid sorcerers”:
Magnalia,
2: 537. The retrofitted Indians and Frenchmen, Burr, 281–82. CM could not help himself.

“But such was the darkness”: JH, 131. It was probably no accident that Hale wrote immediately following the 1697 retractions. Still, the project discomfited Sewall, who feared Hale would upset the apple cart all over again. “Special reasons” and “to a more strict scanning”: Hale in Burr, 404–5. CM takes light, interesting liberties with JH’s account in
Magnalia,
2: 409–16.

“tragical end” to “of that time”: Higginson in Burr, 400–401.

“who are fast”: Wait Still Winthrop to Ashurst, August or September 1699,
Collections of the MHS,
sixth series, vol. 5, 1892, 50.

“Pray for me”: SS
Diary,
1: 450.

“though he loves”: Willard, “Prognosticks of Impending Calamities,” 12. Stephen Foster, in
The Long Argument: English Puritanism and the Shaping of New England Culture, 1570–1700
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 266–67, notes the Mather potshots.

“most humbly begging”: Stoughton’s will, Suffolk County Probate, 2675, judicial archives, Massachusetts State Archives. I am grateful to Tamara Elliott Rogers for the information on Stoughton’s enduring Harvard College bequest.

“parcel of dark”: Thomas Maule,
An Abstract of a Letter to Cotton Mather
(New York, 1701), 17.

“errors and mistakes” to “honorable judges”: R, 851.

“that God hath” to “impostures”: Wigglesworth to IM, Mather Papers, MHS. Increasingly, the witchcraft became the “supposed witchcraft.”

he was mortified: SS
Diary,
2: 948.

Stoughton took care: R, 713, 889. See Rosenthal,
Salem Story,
195–200.

“ignorantly” to “Prince of the air”: Her apology is in the Salem minister’s record book, DAC; Interview with Richard Trask, April 1, 2015. Again, the numbers vary; Ann was bewitched by between sixty-two and sixty-eight people.

“watching, wishing”: CM,
Winter Meditations: Directions How to Employ the Leisure of the Winter for the Glory of God
(Boston, 1693), 59.

“blind, nonsensical” and “ignorance and folly”: Brattle in Burr, 172, 188.

“to endeavor an healing”:
CM Diary,
2: 112. William Good demanded compensation for the infant Sarah lost in prison, R, 871.

one witness who recanted: Calef in Burr, 356.

“vile varlets”: Calef,
More Wonders,
7.

“furious invectives”: Charcot, as cited in Hansen,
Witchcraft at Salem
, 17. Pierre Janet in 1907 described hysteria’s symptoms as beginning with pains in the lower body that spread upward to the throat, where they produced choking sensations and facial rictus.

“they who are usually”: “Mather-Calef Paper on Witchcraft,”
Proceedings of the MHS,
vol. 47 (1914), 244.

death felt closer: Hambrick-Stowe,
The Practice of Piety,
171–72; Kenneth Lockridge, cited in Weissbach, “Townes of Massachusetts,” 207; Oster, “Witchcraft, Weather.” Elizabeth Knapp convulsed in November; the Goodwins toward midsummer. It is doubtful that anyone would have had time for a witchcraft crisis in November, the busiest month of the year. As Larner,
Witchcraft and Religion,
has pointed out, such panics did not break out under actual alien occupation. Elaine Showalter,
Hystories: Hysterical Epidemics and Modern Media
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 19, notes that epidemics of hysteria tend to erupt at jittery ends of centuries.

Hysteria prefers: See George Rosen,
Madness in Society
(New York: Harper, 1968); Josef Breuer and Sigmund Freud,
Studies on Hysteria
(New York: Basic Books, 2000); and Sander L. Gilman et al., eds.,
Hysteria Beyond Freud
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).

“If I cannot move”: Cited in Carol Gilligan,
Joining the Resistance
(New York: Polity, 2011), 87. The line is alternately translated: “If I cannot deflect the will of heaven, I shall move hell.”

“Before I knew what affliction”: Mary Rowlandson,
A Narrative of the Captivity and Restoration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1902), 72.

“labor was burdensome”: Willard, “Samuel Willard’s Account,” 565.

“seemed to be more”: Ebenezer Turell, “Detection of Witchcraft,” MHS, 15. Margaret Rule too fretted about salvation just before her symptoms began, Burr, 310.

“consumed, pined”: R, 82.

“her mother spoke”: R, 373–74.

The hysteric’s skin: Huxley,
The Devils,
253. Ekirch, in
At Day’s Close,
294, points out that skin tends to be most sensitive at 11:00 p.m. For “very pinching”: CM,
Winter Meditations,
introduction, 70. See William Ames,
The Marrow of Theology
(Durham, NC: Labyrinth Press, 1968), 57–59, on the pricking, piercing words from the pulpit.