The Modern Middle East (89 page)

65.
Giacomo Luciani, “The Oil Rent, Fiscal Crisis of the State and Democratization,” in
Democracy without Democrats? The Renewal of Politics in the Muslim World,
ed. Ghassan Salame (London: I. B. Tauris, 1994), pp. 130–55.

66.
S. V. Sethuraman, “The Role of the Urban Informal Sector,” in Sethuraman,
Urban Informal Sector,
p. 28.

67.
In 1977, the Iranian state hired university students to conduct price checks on
bazaari
merchants (but not on smaller-scale, less economically visible businesses); more on this below.

68.
Mehran Kamrava, “Nondemocratic States and Political Liberalisation in the Middle East: A Structural Analysis,”
Third World Quarterly
19, no. 1 (1998): 71–75.

69.
There have been no systematic studies of the punishment of criminals by economic and/or social status in the Middle East. Studies focusing on Latin
America and Africa show, however, that marginal elements within society, especially the homeless and street children, often receive harsh and indiscriminate punishment from the police and other security forces. See, for example, European Conference on Street Children Worldwide,
Street Children in North and South: A Comparative Summary
(Amsterdam: Royal Tropical Institute, 1996).

70.
Achille Mbembe, “Power and Obscenity in the Post-colonial Period: The Case of Cameroon,” in
Rethinking Third World Politics,
ed. James Manor (London: Longman, 1991), pp. 166–82.

71.
Amnesty International,
Challenging Repression: Human Rights Defenders in the Middle East and North Africa
(London: Amnesty International, 2008).

72.
Amnesty International,
Affront to Justice: The Death Penalty in Saudi Arabia
(London: Amnesty International, 2008). See also Amnesty International,
Kuwait: Five Years of Impunity since the Withdrawal of Iraqi Forces
(London: Amnesty International, 1996).

73.
Safia K. Mohsen, “New Images, Old Reflections: Working Middle-Class Women in Egypt,” in
Women and the Family in the Middle East: New Voices for Change,
ed. Elizabeth Wamock Fernea (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985), p. 57.

74.
Waterbury,
Exposed to Innumerable Delusions,
p. 5.

75.
Joel Migdal, “Studying the State,” in
Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure,
ed. Mark Irving Lichbach and Alan Zuckerman (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 214.

76.
Ibid., p. 222.

77.
Palmer, Leila, and Yassin,
Egyptian Bureaucracy,
p. 119.

78.
Denis Sullivan, “Extra-state Actors and Privatization in Egypt,” in Harik and Sullivan,
Privatization and Liberalization,
pp. 24–45.

79.
Michael Field,
The Merchants: The Big Business Families of Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States
(Woodstock, NY: Overlook Press, 1985).

80.
Shaul Bakhash,
The Reign of the Ayatollahs: Iran and the Islamic Revolution
(London: I. B. Tauris, 1985), p. 192.

81.
Louis Cantori, “Civil Society, Liberalism and the Corporatist Alternative in the Middle East,”
Middle East Studies Association Bulletin
31 (July 1997): 37–38.

82.
One of the most perceptive treatments of globalization, and especially its engagement with the Middle East, can be found in Anoushiravan Ehteshami,
Globalization and Geopolitics in the Middle East: Old Games, New Rules
(London: Routledge, 2007).

83.
See, for example, Indra de Soysa,
Foreign Direct Investment, Democracy, and Development: Assessing Contours, Correlates, and Concomitants of Globalization
(London: Routledge, 2003).

84.
Given the scales of the economies involved and the number of countries in each of the two regions, the average net FDI inflow into (and the percentage of high-technology exports from) South Asia is actually higher than that of the Middle East / North Africa region.

85.
The percentage of high-technology goods as compared to the total of manufactured exports indicates levels of industrial development and global competitiveness and is therefore a key index of globalization.

86.
Ehteshami,
Globalization and Geopolitics,
p. 51.

87.
Roger Owen, “Inter-Arab Economic Relations during the Twentieth Century: World Market vs. Regional Market?,” in
Middle East Dilemma: The Politics and Economics of Arab Integration,
ed. Michael C. Hudson (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), p. 220.

88.
Yusif A. Sayigh, “Arab Economic Integration: The Poor Harvest of the 1980s,” in Hudson,
Middle East Dilemma,
pp. 233–58.

89.
On the Euro-Mediterranean Association’s agreement, see Owen, “Inter-Arab Economic Relations,” p. 227.

90.
Enrico Gisolo, “The Degree of Central Bank Independence in MENA Countries,” in
Monetary Policy and Central Banking in the Middle East and North Africa,
ed. David Cobhan and Ghassan Dibeh (London: Routledge, 2009), p. 48.

91.
Ibid., p. 50.

92.
For more on this, see Mehran Kamrava, “Structural Impediments to Economic Globalization in the Middle East,”
Middle East Policy
11 (Winter 2004): 96–112.

93.
Jacob Skovgaard-Petersen, “The Global Mufti,” in
Globalization and the Muslim World: Culture, Religion, and Modernity,
ed. Bright Schaebler and Leif Stenberg (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2004), pp. 153–65.

11. CHALLENGES FACING THE MIDDLE EAST

1.
United Nations Development Program,
The Arab Human Development Report,
2002:
Creating Opportunities for Future Generations
(New York: United Nations Development Program, 2002), p. 27. The UN’s
Arab Human Development Report,
published periodically and available online, examines in detail some of the most salient issues and challenges facing the Arab world. See their website at
www.arab-hdr.org/
.

2.
Data compiled from World Bank, DEP [Development Education Program] Web, Learning Modules, Population Growth Rate, Social Data Tables,
www.worldbank.org/depweb/english/modules/social/pgr/data.html
.

3.
This estimate is based on figures provided in Michael Bonine, “Population, Poverty, and Politics: Contemporary Middle East Cities in Crisis,” in
Population, Poverty, and Politics in Middle East Cities,
ed. Michael Bonine (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1997), p. 4.

4.
For more on the significance of the family in the Middle East, see Halim Barakat,
The Arab World: Society, Culture, and State
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), pp. 97–107.

5.
John Weeks, “The Demography of Islamic Nations,”
Population Bulletin
43 (December 1988): 21.

6.
Ibid., p. 19.

7.
See, for example, Sandra Hale, “Gender and Health: Abortion in Urban Egypt,” in Bonine,
Population, Poverty, and Politics,
pp. 208–34.

8.
Weeks, “Demography of Islamic Nations,” p. 21.

9.
Elizabeth Lule, Rifat Hasan, and Kanako Yamashita-Allen, “Global Trends in Fertility, Contraceptive Use and Unintended Pregnancies,” in
Fertility Regulation Behaviors and Their Costs: Contraception and Unintended Pregnancies in Africa and Eastern Europe and Central Asia,
ed. Elizabeth Lule, Susheela Singh, and Sadia Afroze Chowdhury (Washington, DC: World Bank, 2007), p. 20.

10.
The Iranian government has made significant strides in changing popular attitudes toward contraception, requiring, among other things, that couples enroll in family planning classes before obtaining marriage licenses. See Robin Wright,
The Last Great Revolution: Turmoil and Transformation in Iran
(New York: Vintage Books, 2001), pp. 160–87.

11.
Bonine, “Population, Poverty, and Politics,” p. 12.

12.
Kirk S. Bowman and Jerrold D. Green, “Urbanization and Political Instability in the Middle East,” in Bonine,
Population, Poverty, and Politics,
p. 242.

13.
Abdul-Karim Sadik and Shawki Barghouti, “The Water Problems of the Arab World: Management of Scarce Resources,” in
Water in the Arab World: Perspectives and Prognoses,
ed. Peter Rogers and Peter Lydon (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994), p. 8.

14.
Robert Cassen, “Population and Development: Old Debates, New Conclusions,” in
Population and Development: Old Debates, New Conclusions,
ed. Robert Cassen (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1994), p. 4.

15.
Bonine, “Population, Poverty, and Politics,” p. 1.

16.
Having adopted import-substitution industrialization policies, most Middle Eastern countries import goods and technology from Japan, western Europe, and the United States, although in recent years new suppliers from eastern Europe, South Korea, and China have also become important.

17.
“Tehran Air Reportedly Causing Health Risks,” IRNA News Agency, Tehran, February 3, 2001.

18.
Date compiled from
The Number of Motor Vehicles, November
2000 (Ankara: State Institute of Statistics, 2001).

19.
“Tehran Air.”

20.
Besides the necessary political hyperbole, the following statement by Oman’s minister of the environment exemplifies the increased attention of Middle Eastern policy makers to the importance of environmental protection: “From the time of its inception in 1970, the government of Sultan Qaboos has been keenly aware of the need to protect the environment in all its aspects. The government has had one particular advantage in this respect in that it has not been faced with the problem of rectifying the ravages of earlier industrialisation. It has been possible to monitor closely the progressive development of industrial plants throughout the Sultanate and control any possible pollution of the environment.” Quoted in Hussein Shehadeh, “Progress and Preservation in Oman,”
Middle East,
no. 220 (February 1993): 46.

21.
“Women Carry the Torch of Environmental Awareness,” Global News Wire, March 3, 2001.

22.
Mostafa Dolatyar and Tim Gray,
Water Politics in the Middle East: A Context for Conflict or Cooperation?
(New York: Macmillan, 2000), pp. 79–80.

23.
Ibid., p. 80.

24.
James A. Russell, “Environmental Security and Regional Stability in the Persian Gulf,”
Middle East Policy
16, no. 4 (Winter 2009): 91.

25.
Christine Drake, “Water Resource Conflicts in the Middle East,”
Journal of Geography
96 (January 1997): 6.

26.
For more on this, see Amikam Nachmani, “Water Jitters in the Middle East,”
Studies in Conflict and Terrorism
20 (January 1997): 67–93; Alwyn Rouyer,
Turning Water into Politics: The Water Issue in the Palestinian Israeli Conflict
(New York: Macmillan, 2000); and, for an Israeli perspective, Martin Sherman,
The Politics of Water in the Middle East: An Israeli Perspective on the HydroPolitical Aspects of the Conflict
(New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999).

27.
Drake, “Water Resource Conflicts,” p. 6.

28.
Mary E. Morris, “Water and Conflict in the Middle East: Threats and Opportunities,”
Studies in Conflict and Terrorism
20 (January 1997): 8.

29.
Drake, “Water Resource Conflicts,” p. 7. For more on GAP and Syria and Iraq’s reactions, see Dolatyar and Gray,
Water Politics,
pp. 143–47.

30.
Drake, “Water Resource Conflicts,” p. 8.

31.
Greg Shapland,
Rivers of Discord: International Water Disputes in the Middle East
(New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1997), p. 99.

32.
Dolatyar and Gray,
Water Politics,
p. 85.

33.
Ibid.

34.
Morris, “Water and Conflict,” p. 1.

35.
For details of the agreement in relation to the Jordan River, see Shapland,
Rivers of Discord,
pp. 29–31.

36.
Dolatyar and Gray,
Water Politics,
p. 9.

37.
One of the more far-fetched ideas mentioned is dragging a chunk of polar iceberg to the Persian Gulf.

38.
Mike Rappaport, 1848:
Year of Revolution
(New York: Basic Books, 2009), p. 212.

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