The Medieval English Landscape, 1000-1540 (47 page)

42
Knowles (1955), 309–30; Welander, (1991), esp. 164–281; Crook (1993); Gem (1997), 123; Snape (1980), 31–2; Collinson, Ramsay and Sparks (1995), 69–153; Luxford (2005), 202; Knowles (1959), 21–4.

43
Visitations of Religious Houses
, II (1918), 175–6; Walcott (1869).

44
Rubin (1987), 246–9; Walsham (2011a), 56; Bernard (2011), 394.

45
Lehmberg (2005), 82–4.

46
New Testament 1526, translated by William Tyndale
(2000), 548 (‘Revelation’, ch. 21, vv. 2, 3); Wilson (1992), 8.

47
Wilson (1992), 22–3, 160–78; Kidson (1994), where at 25–6 contemporary chroniclers’ claims that the collapse at Lincoln was caused by an earthquake are dismissed for lack of corroborating evidence elsewhere in the town.

48
Wilson (1992), 185–212.

49
Gervase of Canterbury, Opera Historica
, I (1879), 6–7; Kidson (1994), 27–30; Wilson (1992), 84–6, 117, 160–1.

50
Wilson (1992), 160–3, 174, 207, 212–16.

51
Maddison (1993), 76–80; Snape (1980), 31–2.

52
Kidson (1994), 37–8; Wilson (1992), 168, 175.

53
See, especially, Blair (2005), 368–504.

54
William of Malmesbury: Gesta Regum Anglorum
(1998–99) I, 460–1;
Orderic Vitalis: Ecclesiastical History
, II (1968), 256–7; Lennard (1959), 292–4; Sawyer (1976), 2–3; Darby (1977), 52–6; Fernie (2002), 208–32.

55
Blair (2005), 355–9.

56
Blair (2005), 402–22; Lennard (1959), 319–23; Barlow (1979), 51–3; Platt (1981), 1–12; above,
Chapter 4
, p. 137.

57
Rodwell (1981), 142; Blair (2005), 374–83, 476–88; Walsham (2011a), 29–36; Rackham (1986), 229–30.

58
Walsham (2011a), 55–64.

59
Morris (1989), 248–53 (where alternative explanations for the proximity of church and motte in particular cases – such as the building of an earthwork next to the church in time of war – are also noted); Blair (2005), 387–90.

60
Morris (1989), 272–3; Blair (1991), 58–60; Blair (2005), 394–5; cf. above,
Chapter 3
, p. 63.

61
Beresford and Hurst (1971), 184.

62
Rodwell (1981), 63, 110; Beresford and Hurst (1976), 132.

63
Petts and Turner (2009).

64
Fernie (2002), 219–25.

65
Fernie (2002), 225–32; Morris (1989), 289–95; Roffey (2007), 101–3 (where the annual installation of an Easter sepulchre on the north side of the church is cited). The church at Wharram Percy was unusual in having its south aisle built first.

66
Platt (1981), 11–12, 72–8; Davies (1968), 52–94; Blair (2005), 458; tithe was notionally one-tenth of produce set aside for the support of the parish priest.

67
Rodwell (1981), 111–12; cf. Rodwell (1989), 31.

68
Morris (1989), 335–6.

69
Lincolnshire Domesday and Lindsey Survey
(1924), liv–lv.

70
Smith, Hutton and Cook (1976), 118.

71
Platt (1981), 127.

72
Duffy (1992), 131–54; Roffey (2007), esp. 89–103, 132–9, 168–9, 176–7; Bettley and Pevsner (2007), 529–30.

73
Visitations of the Diocese of Lincoln, 1517–1531
(1940), xxviii–xxix, 24, 71, 137–40; Bowker (1968), 126–30; Morris (1989), 323–4.

74
Verey and Brooks (2002), 59, 246–51.

75
Morris (1989), 279, 307–9, 371–3; Platt (1981), 92–3.

76
Harper-Bill (1988); Swanson (1989), 252–308; Duffy (1992), 9–376; Britnell (1997), 148–66; Walsham (2011a), 49–79.

1
Brown (1989), 2.

2
Taylor (1958).

3
E.g. Platt (1982), Thompson (1987), Muir (1990), Thompson (1991), McNeill (1992).

4
Mathieu (1999); Gilchrist (1999), 109–42; Johnson (2002), esp. 116–18.

5
Liddiard (2003b), 2.

6
Coulson (1996); Creighton (2002), 35–52.

7
Platt (2007), quotations on p. 83 and (from Coulson) p. 85; Creighton and Liddiard (2008), quotation on p. 167.

8
Wheatley (2004), 19–43.

9
Haskins (1918), 277–82; Brown (1976), 49. The text went on to assert the duke’s right to take castles into his own hand.

10
William of Malmesbury, Historia Novella
(1998), 82–3; Harrison (2007), 67–9; Wheatley (2004), 99–102. For machicolation, see below, p. 196.

11
Pounds (1990), 260–3; Coulson (1993); Coulson (1994a); Coulson (1994b); Coulson’s general argument is that the issue of licences was essentially symbolic.

12
Reynolds and White (1995); Reynolds and White (1997-98); Creighton (2002), 52–3, 59–60; Renn (1968), 50–3; Higham (2004), 141–4; cf. Morgan (1988), 32–3.

13
Creighton (2002), 36–7, 91, 133–6. On the issue of a ‘master-plan’, cf. Beeler (1956); Hollister (1965), 161–6.

14
Strickland (1992).

15
Creighton (2002), 43–4, 51; Colvin (1982), 367–83 (quotation on p. 377).

16
ASC E
1048 (for 1051) in
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
(1953), 173–4; Wardle (2009), 138–46.

17
Taylor (1958), 99; Beresford (1987), 8–14 and 29–60 (first of a sequence of three such fortified houses which preceded the Norman motte-and-bailey castle on the site, though on the dating see Creighton (2002), 21–4; Davison (1977); Williams (2003); Coad (1997), 19–20.

18
Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis
, II (1968), 218–19;
ASC D
1066,
ASC E
1086 (for 1087) in
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
(1953), 200, 220.

19
Various estimates are summarized and synthesized in Eales (2003).

20
The phrase was coined by Sir Frank Stenton, whose 1929 Ford lectures were published in 1932 as
The First Century of English Feudalism, 1066
–
1166
.

21
King and Alcock (1969); Renn (1968), 252; Higham and Barker (1992), 198–200. Although most mottes had additional baileys and most ringworks did not, there were exceptions which still give rise to several problems of interpretation.

22
King and Alcock (1972); Kenyon (1990), 21, 33–4.

23
Darby (1977), 295, 364–8; Creighton (2002), 139–40; above,
Chapter 4
, p. 102.

24
Higham and Barker (1992), 277–80, 293–6, 303–4, 308–10, 331–3.

25
E.g.
Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis
, II (1968), 222–3: ‘the king remained a further eight days in the city [York], built a second castle, and left Earl William fitz Osbern as castellan there’;
Gesta Guillelmi of William of Poitiers
(1998), 144–5: ‘after the surrender of the castle [at Dover], he spent eight days in fortifying it where it was weakest’ (with an editorial note suggesting that reference to a pre-Norman ‘castle’ is the product of loose usage); McNeill (1992), 40, where there is an estimate of between 40 and 120 working days.

26
Creighton (2002), 56–7.

27
Gravett (2009), 24; Higham and Barker (1992), 118–20, 138–9, 147–56, 171–93; Hope-Taylor (1957), 242–3 and plates xli, xlii (though the author suggests a military function for the exterior patterning).

28
Brown (1976), 62–6; Thompson (1991), 63, 74–6, 87; Higham and Barker (1992), 350, for measures to contain the threat from fire.

29
Coulson (1994), 69–70; Eales (2003); White (2000), 7, 69–72.

30
King (1988), 189.

31
Marshall (2002), 27.

32
Coulson (1994), 81–3; Dixon (1998); Dixon (2002), 11; Hulme (2007–8), 210.

33
Above,
Chapter 3
, pp. 83–4.

34
Brown (1976), 78–87; Thompson (1991), 82–3; Coulson (2001), 69–75, 80–1; Dixon (2002), 11.

35
Marshall (2002), 28–9.

36
Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis
, VI (1978), 466–9; Hulme (2007–8); Liddiard (2005), 46–54.

37
Port (1987), 3–13, 22–4; Thompson (1991), 79; McNeill (1992), 91–4. On the siege, which ended with the collapse of the south-east corner of the great tower after a mine had been dug beneath it, see e.g. Painter (1949), 363–4.

38
Brown (1976), 78, 122; King (1988), 118–20; Hislop (2010), 216–29; Creighton (2002), 71–2; Colvin, Brown and Taylor (1963), I, 329–30, II, 690; Darlington (2001), 48; Pevsner and Richmond (2002), 617–18.

39
Brown (1976), 146; King (1988), 188–9; Thompson (1987), 73–4, 83–96.

40
Brown, (1976), 57–61; Thompson (1991), 54; Higham and Barker (1992), 244–325; Goodall (2011a), 107–37.

41
King (1988), 48, 73; Thompson (1991), 60; Goodall (2011a), 129.

42
Brown (1976), 86; King (1988), 64; Dixon (2002), 9; Goodall (2011a), 238–9.

43
Brown (1976), 84–5; Higham and Barker (1992), 189.

44
See also Addyman (1973); Higham and Barker (1992), 190, 274–7, 289–93, 326–47; Soden (2007), 24–9.

45
Higham and Barker (1992), 181.

46
McGuicken (2010).

47
Goodall (2011a), 208–11.

48
Goodall (2011a), 141, 178; McGuicken (2010), 65, 76–9; Clark (2004), 5–6, 21, 24–5. Ellis (1993), 101–2, notes evidence of limewashing of the masonry.

49
Goodall, (2011b), 23; Goodall (2011a), 378; Thompson (1987), 52–9, 64–6, 97–102.

50
Endacott (2003), 28.

51
Johnson (2002), xiii–xix, 19–33.

52
Goodall (2011a), 377; Darlington (2001), 89-91; Goodall (2011b) 13–16.

53
Creighton (2002), 69–70; Coulson (2001).

54
Liddiard (2005), 134–9.

55
Creighton (2002), 76–8.

56
Coad and Streeton (1982), quotation on p. 164.

57
Creighton (2002), 88.

58
Goodall (2011a), 3.

59
Bond (1987), 92, 103; Creighton and Higham (2005), 218, 249; Kenyon (1990), 184.

60
Bond (1987), 94, 100–2; Kenyon (1990), 185; Schofield and Vince (2003), 40.

61
Creighton and Higham (2005), 85–7, 110–14, 221–7; Kenyon (1990), 184–5; Daniels (1986); Gurnham (2009), 41.

62
Schofield and Vince (2003), 51.

63
Domesday Book: Cheshire
(1978), 262c, 262d;
Domesday Book: Oxfordshire
(1978), 154a, 154b.

64
Kenyon (1990), 187; Bond (1987), 104; Lilley, Lloyd and Campbell (2009), 9; White (2003), 115–16.

65
Bond (1987), 104; Harrison, McKeague and Watson (2011), 47–9, for evidence of 39 fortified bridges in medieval England and Wales identified to date.

66
Kenyon (1990), 183–99; Creighton and Higham (2005), 114, 137–49.

67
Creighton and Higham (2005), 111–13; Colvin (1982), 648.

1
Itinerary of Leland
, I, 162, 166, 173, 177; V, 64, 82, 87; Colvin (1968); cf. Colvin (1975), 180, 225–2, where there is reference to a decision by a group of Elizabeth I’s councillors in 1562 to keep the castle at Tutbury because it was ‘an old and statly Castle’ with ‘forests, parks and chases’, and also that at Tickhill as ‘an ancient monument’.