Russia (54 page)

1.
One of the few exceptions is Basil Sumner’s masterly
Survey of Russian History
(2nd edn, London, 1947).

1.
B. M. Fagan,
The Journey from Ede: The Peopling of Our World
(London, 1990), p. 183. At one time mammoth tusks had been plentiful enough to use as building frames or tent poles.

2.
O. Semino et al., ‘The genetic legacy of palaeolothic
Homo sapiens sapiens
in extant Europeans’,
Science, 290
(5404), 10 November 2000, 1155—9, and the interview with Peter Underhill in
Montreal Gazette,
11 November 2000, p. D-9. Also L. Cavalli-Sforza, P. Menozzi and A. Piazza,
The History and Geography of Human Genes
(Princeton, 1994), pp. 3—59 (for the principles) and map 5.2.7, pp. 262—3, and atlas C-5 (for the geographic spread). Despite subsequent intermarriage with Mongols and other peoples of different genetic heritage, the evidence shows Russians to be of predominately Caucasian stock. There was a discursive but interesting discussion on genetics relevant to history on the Marshall Poe e-mail connection ([email protected] ) in September 2002. It centred on haplotype M17, which distinguishes eastern from western Europeans.

3.
V. Bunak, ‘Antropologicheskie tipy russkago naroda i voprosy istorii ikh formirovanie’,
Kratkie soobshcheniia Instituta etnografii AN/SSR,
36 (1962), 75-82.

4.
L. and F. Cavalli-Sforza,
The Great Human Diaspora
(Reading, Mass., 1995), especially pp. 115—16. For indications of genetic differences between Russians and other Europeans, see Cavalli-Sforza et al.,
History and Geography of Human Genes,
p. 270.

5.
G. Vernadsky,
Ancient Russia
(New Haven, 1947, repr. 1973), pp. 21-2; D Christian,
A History of Russia, Central Asia and Mongolia,
vol. 1 (Oxford, 1998), pp. 77—8; J. Mallory,
In Search of Indo-Europeans. Language, Archaeology and Myth
(London, 1989), p. 196.

6.
P. Dolukhanov,
The Early Slavs: Eastern Europe from the Initial Settlement to Kievan Rus’
(London, 1996), p. 70. Sredny Stog is associated with the domestication of the horse.

7.
Christian,
Russia, Central Asia and Mongolia,
vol. 1, p. 40.

8.
Dolukhanov,
The Early Slavs,
pp. 101-2.

9.
Ibid., pp. 109-15.

10.
See C. Renfrew,
Archaeology and Language
(London, 1987) — but also his critic J. Mallory, who concludes that Renfrew’s idea of the spread of the first Indo-Europeans ‘is not congruent with either the linguistic or archaeological evidence’
(In Search of Indo-Europeans. Language, Archaeology and Myth).
I am grateful to my former colleague Bruce Trigger for guidance in this area. While haplotype U entered the bloodstream of Europeans some 40,000 years ago, and haplotypes H and V more than 10,000 years ago, bearers of haplotype J ‘may well have descended from … women who came to Europe 8,000 years ago from Anatolia’ -
Times Literary Supplement,
May 2001, in a review of B. Sykes’s
The Seven Daughters of Eve.

11.
‘At that time there was only one Slavic people, including those along the Danube who were subject to the Hungarians, the Moravians, Czechs, Poles and Polanians, who are now called Russians’ (adapted from the translation by S. Cross and P. Olgerd, eds., of
The Russian Primary Chronicle
(Cambridge, Mass., 1953), p. 62).

12.
Baedeker,
Russia: A Handbook for Travellers
(Leipzig, 1914), pp. xxxviii-xxxix.

13.
L. Milev,
Velikorusskii pakhar’ i osobennosti rossiiskogo istoricheskogo protsessa
(Moscow, 1998), pp. 554—6. Milev’s theory will receive some attention later in the book.

14.
Dolukhanov,
The Early Slavs,
pp. 117-19; M. Gimbutas,
The Slavs
(London, 1971), pp. 24-5; Vernadsky,
Ancient Russia,
pp. 48-50.

15.
Dolukhanov,
The Early Slavs,
pp. 119—25; Gimbutas,
The Slavs,
pp. 44, 46—9.

16.
See V. Levasheva in
Trudy gosudarstvennogo istoricheskogo muzeia,
vyp. 32 (Moscow, 1956), pp. 2off., and B. Grekov,
Die Bauern in des Russlands von den ältesten Zeiten bis den 17 Jahrhundert
(2 vols., Berlin, 1959),
passim.

17.
Christian,
Russia, Central Asia and Mongolia,
vol. 1, pp. 331—3.

18.
See the maps in P. Barford,
The Early Slavs: Culture and Society in Early Medieval Eastern Europe
(Ithaca, 2001), pp. 376, 378.

19.
On the properties of Russian rye and the lore associated with it see R. Smith and D. Christian,
Bread and Salt: A Social and Economic History of Food and Drink in Russia
(Cambridge, 1984), pp. 5—6 and
passim;
Christian,
Russia, Central Asia and Mongolia,
vol. 1, p. 331 (and inference therefrom).

20.
Barford,
The Early Slavs,
especially the maps on pp. 387, 399.

21.
See the suggestive passage in ibid., pp. 189-91. Also W. Ryan,
The Bathhouse at Midnight
(University Park, Pa., 1999), ch. 2, esp. p. 37.

22.
Christian,
Russia, Central Asia and Mongolia,
vol. 1, p. 340. For a translation of the passage from Ibn Khurdadhbih see G. Vernadsky et al.,
A Source Book for
Russian History from the Earliest Times to 1917
(3 vols., New Haven, 1972), vol. 1, p. 9. On Khazar metrology and money economy see O. Pritsak,
The Origins of the Old Rus’Weights and Monetary Systems
(Cambridge, Mass., 1998), esp. p. 32. On taxes paid to Khazar towns see Barford,
The Early Slavs,
p. 237.

23.
The remains at Old Ladoga, like the first settlements at Novgorod, have been carefully investigated by archaeologists — see M. Brisbane, ed.,
Archaeology of Novgorod: Recent Results from the Town and its Hinterland,
Society for Medieval Archaeology, monograph 13 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1992); for the broader background S. Franklin and J. Shepard,
The Emergence of Rus’ 730—1200
(London, 1996), pp. 12ff. On the early association of Vikings and Slavs, see M. Liubavskii,
Obzor istorii russkoi kolonizatsii,
ed. A. la. Degtarev et al. (Moscow, 1996), p. 55.

24.
Brisbane, ed.,
Archaeology of Novgorod,
pp. 9off. See also E. Nosov, ‘The problem of the emergence of early urban centres in northern Russia’, in J. Chapman and P. Dolukhanov,
Cultural Transformations and Interactions in Eastern Europe
(Aldershot, 1993), pp. 236-56, and A. Kuza, ‘Sotsial’no-istoricheskaiatipologiia drevnerusskikh gorodov x—xiii vv’, in
Russkii gorod: issledovania i materially,
no. 176 (Moscow, 1983), pp. 4-36. On the phenomenon of ‘paired’ towns, see Nosov, ‘Early urban centres in northern Russia’, and the references therein.

25.
Ibn Rusta is quoted in Franklin and Shepard,
The Emergence of Rus’,
p. 45.

26.
I. Dubov, ‘The ethnic history of northwestern Rus’ in the ninth to the thirteenth centuries’, in D. Kaiser and G. Marker, eds.,
Reinterpreting Russian History
(New York, 1994), pp. 14-20. Also A. Sakharov, ‘The main phase and distinctive features of Russian nationalism’, in G. Hosking and R. Service, eds.,
Reinterpreting Russian Nationalism
(London, 1995), pp. 7—18.

1.
See A. Ya. Degtarev’s rationalization of the legend that the men of Novgorod summoned Riurik to rule as their prince in Liubavskii,
Obzor istorii russkoi kolonizatsii,
p. 55.

2.
The importance of the Khazars is suggested by the fact that Viking rulers
of
the early tenth century styled themselves ‘kagan’, the title of the Khazar ruler — see Barford,
The Early Slavs,
pp. 238—9. The Khazars were successful commercially, and even developed money economy and coinage - see O. Pritsak, ‘Did the Khazars possess a monetary economy?’, in his
Origins of the Old Rus’ Weights and Monetary Systems,
pp. 21—32.

3.
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus,
De Administrando Imperio,
ed. Gy. Moravcik and R. Jenkins (2 vols., London, 1962), section 9: ‘On the coming
of
the Russians in “monolykha”.’See also Franklin and Shepard,
The Emergence of Rus’.

4.
C. Mango, trans.,
The Homilies of Photius
(Cambridge, Mass, 1958), pp. 95ff.

5.
See Vernadsky’s chronology in his
Ancient Russia,
pp. 394-5; Franklin and Shepard,
The Emergence of Rus’,
p. 57.

6.
M. McCormick,
Origins of the European Economy: Communications and Commerce,A.D. 300—900
(Cambridge, Mass., 2001), pp. 610, 743, 760.

7.
Christian,
Russia, Central Asia and Mongolia,
vol. 1, p. 342; Franklin and Shepard,
The Emergence of Rus’,
pp. 103-4; O. Pritsak,
Origins of Rus’,
vol. 1:
Old Scandinavian Sources other than the Sagas
(Cambridge, Mass., 1981), p. 583.

8.
I have adapted this passage from the Laurentian Chronicle from the translation in Vernadsky et al.,
Source Book,
vol. 1, pp. 22-3.

9.
The account of Olga that precedes and follows is derived from several sources, including Ye. A. Kivlitskii, ‘Sv. Ol’ga [Helen]’,
Entsiklopedicheskii slovar’
(Brockhaus-Efron), vol. 21A (St Petersburg, 1897), PP. 910-11, Barford,
The Early Slavs,
p. 147; Franklin and Shepard,
The Emergence of Rus’,
pp. 134-9.

10.
For an account of taxation in Kievan Rus’, see G. Vernadsky,
Kievan Russia
(New Haven, 1948, repr. 1973), pp. 190-92.

11.
I. Dubov,
Voprosy istorii,
5 (1990), 15-17, translated in part in D. Kaiser and G. Marker, eds.,
Reinterpreting Russian History: Readings 860-1862
(New York, 1994), pp. 13-20. Dubov discusses the contributions of Vikings, Slavs and others to the development of society in the forest zone of central Russia.

12.
See the translated excerpts from Ouranos and Liutprand in D. Geanakoplos,
Byzantium: Church Society and Civilization seen through Contemporary Eyes
(Chicago, 1984), pp. 112-13.

13.
Yngvar’s saga, see Palsson and Edwards,
Vikings in Russia,
pp. 52, 55-6.

14.
Constantine VII,
De Administrando Imperio,
section 9.

15.
See Barford,
The Early Slavs,
p. 237.

16.
Franklin and Shepard,
The Emergence of Rus’,
pp. 370—71.

17.
A. Kazhdan and A. W. Epstein,
Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries
(Berkeley, 1990), p. 81.

18.
Constantine VII,
Le Livre des cérémonies,
ed. A. Vogt (Paris, 1935, 1939-40); Liutprand,
Relatio de legatio Constantinopolitana,
ed. J. Becker (Hanover and Leipzig, 1915); H. Evand and W. Wixom, eds.,
The Glory of Byzantium
(New York, 1977); A. Kazhdan and M. McCormick, ‘The social world of the Byzantine courts’, in H. Maguire, ed.,
Byzantine Court Culture from 829 to 1209
(Washington, 1997), pp. 167-98.

19.
I follow the interpretation in Kivlitskii, ‘Sv. Ol’ga [Helen]’, rather than Franklin and Shepard
(The Emergence of Rus’,
p. 137), who think that Olga was seeking legitimation for the new Russia from as many sources as possible. On the question of her baptism see G. Ostrogorsky,
History of the Byzantine State
(Oxford, 1980), p. 283, n. 1.

20.
Another translation of this excerpt from the Laurentian Chronicle is to be found in Vernadsky et al.,
Source Book,
vol. 1, p.25.

21.
For example, the recurring refrain ‘Dunai, Dunai’ in historical songs about Stepan Razin.

22.
Vernadsky,
Kievan Russia,
p. 42; Ostrogorsky,
History of the Byzantine State,
pp. 292-6.

23.
Franklin and Shepard,
The Emergence of Rus’,
p. 163.

24.
I. Sevcenko,
Ukraine between East and West
(Edmonton, 1996).

25.
G. H. Hamilton,
The Art and Architecture of Russia
(Harmondsworth, 1954), pp. 10—14.

26.
Pritsak,
Origins of Rus’,
vol. 1, p. 32.

27.
F. Dvornik, ‘Byzantine political ideas in Kievan Russia’,
Dumbarton Oaks Papers,
9-10 (1956), 76-94.

28.
F. Dvornik,
Byzantine Missions among the Slavs
(New Brunswick, 1970), p. 277.

29.
See D. Obolensky, ‘Vladimir Monomakh’, in his
Six Byzantine Portraits
(Oxford, 1988), pp. 83ff.; Palsson and Edwards,
Vikings in Russia,
p. 32.

30.
See J. Fennell,
The Crisis of Medieval Russia 1200—1304
(London, 1983), p. 163, on the consequences two and a half centuries later.

31.
The Laurentian Chronicle, translation adapted from Vernadsky et al.,
Source Book,
vol. 1, p. 27.

32.
Obolensky, ‘Vladimir Monomakh’, pp. 83ff.

33.
Ibid.

34.
See Christian,
Russia, Central Asia and Mongolia,
vol. 1, p. 368.

35.
Fennell,
The Crisis of Medieval Russia,
pp. 20, 22.

36.
S. Belokurov, ed.,
Snosheniia Rossii s Kavkazom,
Moskovskogo glavnogo arkhiva Ministerstva Inostrannykh Del (now the Russian State Archive), vyp. 1 (Moscow, 1889), pp. iiiff.

37.
F. Dvornik, ‘Byzantine influences in Russia’, in M. Huxley, ed.,
The Root of Europe
(London, 1952), pp. 95-106, and his ‘Byzantine political ideas’
loc. cit.