Muslim Fortresses in the Levant: Between Crusaders and Mongols (135 page)

81 Major, B. “Medieval cave fortifications of the Upper Orontes Valley (a preliminary report),” in
Military Architecture in Greater Syria
, ed. H. Kennedy (Leiden and Boston, 2006), 256–7.

82 Kennedy,
Castles
, 84.

83 Ellenblum,
Modern Histories
, chs 15–16.

84 Chevedden, P. E., “Fortifications and the development of defensive planning during the Crusader period,” in
Circle of War in The iddle Ages: Essays on Medieval Military and Naval History
, eds. D. J. Kagay, and L. J. Andrew Villalon (Woodbridge, UK, 1999), 33–43.

85 Raphael, K., “Archers during the Crusader period,” MA thesis. The Hebrew University of Jerusalem (2002) [Hebrew].

86 Ibn Shaddād,
, vol. 1, pt. 2, 417; Maqrīzī,
Sulūk
, vol. 1, pt. 2, 525.

87 Ibn
, 375–7; Barber,
Knighthood
, 79, n. 56.

88 Ibn
, 379–80.

89 Barber,
Knighthood
, 158–160.

90 Ibid., 385–6.

91 In the two defeats of the battles of La Forbie (1244) and Mansura (1250) the Franks lost a large number of men. It seems they could not rebuild their army without considerable help from Europe. According to Marshall there was a strategic change during the mid thirteenth century and the Franks clearly preferred defending themselves from within their fortresses to heading out into the open battlefield. Marshall,
Warfare
, 182.

92 A description of
naft
containers is given in Chapter 2.

93 Amitai, “Arsuf,” 85–101. Raphael, K. and Tepper, Y. “The achaeological evidence from the Mamluk siege of Arsūf,”
MSR
9/1 (2005): 85–100.

94 Ibn
, 95.

95
al-sharīf
(Cairo, 1894), 196.

96 Maqrīzī,
Sulūk
, vol. 1, pt. 2, 564.

97 Ragette, F.,
Baalbek
(Princeton, NJ, 1980), 76–8; Chevedden, P. E.,
The Citadel of Damascus
. PhD diss., University of Los Angeles, California, 1986, unpublished, 48–81.

98 See Chapter 2, nn. 98–99.

99 Abū‘l-Fidā’,
fī ta’rīkh al-bashar
, eds. M. Zinhum and Y.
(Cairo, 1999), vol. 4, 57; Abū‘l-Fidā,
Syrian Prince
(Holt), 37.

100 Boase, T. S. R. “The History of the Kingdom,” in
The Cilician Kingdom of Armenia
, ed. T. S. R. Boase (Edinburgh and London, 1978), 32–3.

101 Abū‘l-Fidā,
Syrian Prince
(Holt), 18; Lapidus
, Muslim Cities
, 14–15; Nicola,
Urban Life
, 85; Sauvaget, J. “Aleppo,”
EI
²
, 3, 87–8.

102 Chevedden,
Damascus
, 90–2.

103 Amitai-Preiss,
Mongols
, 187.

104 Northrup, L. S.
From Slave to Sultan: The Career of Al Mansur Qalawun and the Consolidation of Mamluk Rule in Egypt and Syria (678–689 A.H
.
/1279–1290 A.D.)
(Wiesbaden, 1998), 113–14.

105 Irwin, “County of Tripoli,” 249.

106 Northrup,
Qalāwūn
, 127–130. Concerning the slave trade and the shift from the Asian land route to the naval route see: Ehrenkreutz, A., “Strategic implications of the slave trade between Genoa and Mamluk Egypt in the second half of the thirteenth century,” in
The slamic Middle East 700–1900: Studies in Economic and Social History
, ed. A. L. Udovitch (Princeton, NJ, 1981), 335–45.

107 Northrup,
Qalāwūn
, 152.

108 Abū ‘l-Fidā’,
Syrian Prince
(Holt), 12.

109 Ibn
,
Tashrīf
, 80.

110 Ibid. 80, the origin of the word
jarjya
(
) meaning ‘troops’ may be Mongolian, the
changing to
in Arabic. Doerfer, G.,
Türkische und Mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen,
vol. 1 (Wiesbaden, 1963), 293. I would like to thank Professor M. Biran for her help. The word
jurājīr
in Arabic also means ‘troops’. Steinglass, F.,
Arabic-English Dictionary
(London, 1884), 227.
in this context is used to note Syrian fortress garrisons. The original
performed garrison duties especially during the reign of Qalāwūn. Ayalon, D. “
,”
EI
²
1:944–5.