Kachina and the Cross (55 page)

Read Kachina and the Cross Online

Authors: Carroll L Riley

Tags: #History, #Native American, #United States, #State & Local, #Southwest (AZ; NM; OK; TX), #Social Science, #Anthropology, #General, #Ethnic Studies, #Native American Studies, #test

BOOK: Kachina and the Cross
13.1Mb size Format: txt, pdf, ePub
Page 271
1, pp. 337-41; the document for San Juan is on pp. 342-47; see esp. pp. 342-43 for the quote on the missionaries' willingness to go to their various stations. For an excellent secondary source, see Simmons,
Last Conquistador.
Oñate's trip westward in 1598 and the struggle for Acoma, 1598-99, is to be found in a number of sources, especially Villagrá,
Historia
, and in various of the Oñate documents collected by Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
. See especially the acts of obedience and vassalage at Acoma and Zuni, vol. 1, pp. 354-62; Farfán's trip to the Zuni salines and central Arizona, vol. 1, pp. 406-15; the Sanchez letter of Feb. 28, 1599, pp. 425-27; the various Acoma trial data, pp. 428-79; the Luis Gasco de Velasco report, vol. 2, pp. 608-18; and the Ginés de Herrera Horta account, vol. 2, pp. 643-57, especially the information given Herrera by Fray Juan de Escalona and others about Acoma (pp. 648-50). For the trip to central Arizona mines, see K. Bartlett, "Notes upon the Routes of Espejo and Farfán . . .,"
NMHR
17 (1): 21-36. For the Zutacapán story, see Villagrá,
Historia
, pp. 167-70, 175-79. Zutacapán's son was named Zutancalpo, which like Zutacapán has somewhat of a Nahuatl or Aztec flavor (see pp. 246-47). A superior secondary source is G. P. Hammond, "Don Juan de Oñate and the Founding of New Mexico" (hereafter referred to as "Founding"),
NMHR 1
(): 77; 1 (2): 156-92; 1 (3): 292-323; 1 (4): 445-77 (all 1926); 2 (1): 37-66; 2 (2): 134-74 (both 1927). See esp. I (4): 445-62, which discussed the attack on Acoma. Gutiérrez (
When Jesus Came
, pp. 52-53) believes that the immediate cause of the battle was a confusion about goods given the Spaniards by the Indians. The Spaniards looked on these goods as tribute, and the Indians saw them as gifts.
The official story of the battle of Acoma is given in Villagrá,
Historia
, and Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1 (Sánchez's account, esp. pp. 426-27). Alonso Sánchez says that more than 800 people died and about 580 were captured. For the Gasco de Velasco account, see pp. 614-15. Vasco's earlier support for Oñate is indicated by his signature on a laudatory letter (the New Mexico army to the King of Spain) dated Mar. 6, 1599 (Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1, pp. 490-91). For the disposition of the little girls from Acoma, see G. Espinosa, ed.,
History of New Mexico by Gaspar Pérez de Villagrá
(Quivira Society, Los Angeles, 1933), p. 32. The statement by Oñate on shipment of the older Acoma Indians to the Querecho is found in Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1, p. 478. The quote on Oñate's conviction in regard to the Acoma war can be found in
Oñate
vol. 2, p. 1111.
In his search for metals, Oñate seemed to ignore the fact that except for marginal use for decorative purposes, the Pueblo Indians did not seem to use or have any. See
Informaciones
(1601), pp. 8, 20, 36, 60; mines in the San Marcos area are reported on pp. 11, 27, 45, where one informant, Jusepe Briendar, claimed to have seen ore that yielded four ounces of silver. For an English translation, see
Page 272
Hammond and Rey (
Oñate
, vol. 2, p. 630), who identify the soldier as Joseph Brondate. Regarding the settlement in the San Juan area, I have suggested in a previous book (Riley,
Rio del Norte
, p. 250) that the Spaniards actually made the switch from Okeh to Yungue. However, David H. Snow (personal communication) points out that there is no real evidence for such a move. Information on the church at San Gabriel comes from Hawley Ellis,
Archaeologist
, pp. 66-74; also Hawley Ellis,
When Cultures Meet
, pp. 33-35.
The troubles in the Tompiro country are discussed by Gasco de Velasco (Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 2, p. 615); see also the Valverde investigation of 1601 (pp. 650-65), and also the report of Fray Juan de Escalona to the viceroy, dated Oct. 1,
1601
(
Oñate
, vol. 2, p. 693). It has sometimes been said that Escalona informed the viceroy that 800 men, women, and children had been killed in Tompiro country. However, Escalona was referring to both the Acoma and the Tompiro (Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 2, p. 693). In any case, Vicente de Zaldívar's
Servicios
of 1602 (AGI, Guadalajara 252: 103-3-23) gave another story. Zaldívar claims that the war was concluded peacefully because of the benign attitude of himself and the Spanish forces.
For the murders of Aguilar and Sosa, see the report of Captain Vasco de Velasco (Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 2, pp. 612-13). However, Simmons (
Last Conquistador
, p. 159) correctly points out that our only source for these atrocities is Vasco, whose enmity to Oñate was well known. There may have been ameliorating circumstances, though the desertion of three of his most important captains suggests the possibility that Oñate was somewhat unstable.
Identification of the Escanjaques ("una Rancheria de yndos en q avia mas de 7U aminas") includes the idea of N. P. Hickerson (
The Jumano
, pp. 71-72) that they might have been Apachean. M. M. Wedel (
Wichita Indians
, p. 121) suggested Tonkawa, while W. W. Newcomb and T. N. Campbell ("Southern Plains Ethnohistory: A Re-examination of the Escanjaque, Ahijados, and Cuitoas,
Pathways to Plains Prehistory
, D. G. Wyckoff and J. L. Hofman, eds. [Oklahoma Anthropological Society, Memoir 3, 1982], pp. 35-38) believe that they were Caddoan-speaking. A discussion of Oñate in Wichita country can be found in M. M. Wedel, "The Ethnohistoric Approach to Plains Caddoan Origins,"
Nebraska History
60 (1979): 183-96. For Wichita in the Coronado period, see M. M. Wedel,
Turco
, pp. 153-62. For Catarax and Tatarrax (or as Hammond and Rey spell the name, Tatarax), see Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 2, p. 754 and 754 n. 15, and López de Gómara,
Historia general
, tomo 2, p. 236.
Torquemada (
Monarquía indiana
, vol. 1, p. 679) talks of fields of wheat, barley, and maize, all irrigated from the Rio Chama, as well as onions, lettuce, radishes, cabbages, melons, and watermelons. For a discussion of wheat planting
Page 273
at San Gabriel, see Hammond, "Founding," p. 51; for comments on the period 1601-4, see pp. 58-61. For problems in the colony, see the Valverde Investigation (Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 2, pp. 623-69); desertion of the colony (pp. 672-89); Escalona's letters (pp. 692-700; and the petition of the loyalists (pp. 701-39). For the trip to the South Sea, see Escobar's diary, pp. 1012-34. A later account of this trip is given by Zárate Salmerón (
Relaciones
, pp. 64-76). For comments on the misidentification of steatite as silver, see Riley,
Frontier People
, pp. 151-52.
The various events that led to Oñate's removal and the appointment of Peralta can be found in Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 2, pp. 1006-11, 1032-1105. See also Simmons,
Last Conquistador
, 178-95; and F. V. Scholes, "Church and State in New Mexico, 1611-1650,"
NMHR
11 (1) (1936): chaps. 1 and 2, pp. 9-76;
NMHR
11 (2) (1936): chap. 3, 145-78;
NMHR
11 (3): chap. 4, 283-94;
NMHR
11 (4): chap. 5, 297-349;
NMHR
12 (1) (1937): chaps. 6 and 7, 78-106. For the Martínez de Montoya story, see the collection of Martínez de Montoya papers at the History Library, Museum of New Mexico. This includes various petitions and statements of Martínez de Montoya's descendants documenting their ancestor's deeds in New Mexico. Also consult F. V. Scholes, "Juan Martínez de Montoya, Settler and Conquistador of New Mexico,"
NMHR
19 (4) (1944): 337-42. The statement on the San Buenaventura mines is found on p. 340.
The story of Cristóbal has been related by A. Rey ("Cristóbal de Oñate,"
NMHR
26 [3] [1951]): 197-203). See also the 1953 reprint of the compilation of F. Murcia de la Llana,
Canciones lugubres, y tristes, a la muerte de Don Christoval de Oñate. Teniente de Governador, y Capitán General de las conquistas del Nuevo México
(Madrid, 1622 [reprinted 1953 in Valencia]). In a "Prologo," Agapito Rey and José M. Blecua analyze the book and discuss the problems of Cristóbal's life. Parenthetically, there is little substantive information on Cristóbal in the actual poems that make up the body of the book. The statement about the younger Oñate being killed by Indians comes from L. B. Bloom, "Oñate's Exoneration,"
NMHR
7 (2) (1937): 175-92, p. 175. The last years of Oñate are described by E. Beerman, "The Death of an Old Conquistador: New Light on Juan de Oñate,''
NMHR
54 (4) (1979): 305-19. Rey and Blecua, in the prologue to
Canciones lugubres
(p. 22), speak of a 1628 document that suggests Oñate was still alive as of that time. This, however, would seem to be an error since Beerman (see esp. pp. 311-12) presents convincing evidence of the death date. It is not clear to what extent Oñate relatives may have maintained themselves in New Mexico, but Fray Angélico Chávez (
Origins of New Mexico Families
[Museum of New Mexico Press, Santa Fe, rev.ed., 1992]) lists neither the Oñate nor the Zaldívar family as continuing on into the later seventeenth century. Parenthetically, Fray Angelico in the
Page 274
latter part of his life preferred not to accent either of his names. This leads to a certain inconsistency in the bibliographic citations. For example, Chávez uses the accent in
Origins
but does not use it in the Warner and Chávez book cited above.
Chapter 7, Church And State Through Mid-century
An excellent discussion of the problems in interpreting seventeenth-century history comes from W. H. Broughton, "The History of Seventeenth-Century New Mexico: Is It Time for New Interpretations?
NMHR
68 (1) (1993): 3-12. Broughton is certainly correct about the unbalanced nature of the materials available; however, for reasons discussed in this chapter, I do not agree that Scholes was particularly pro-Franciscan. A paper by Van Hastings Garner ("Seventeenth-Century New Mexico,"
Journal of Mexican American History
4 [1974] [Santa Bárbara, Calif.]: 41-70) makes some good points, but I feel that his critical comments about Scholes are somewhat off the mark.
Information on the beginnings of the Inquisition in the Americas comes from C. H. Haring,
Spanish Empire
, pp. 203-5. For Ordóñez's use (or misuse) of the Inquisition, see Scholes,
Church and State
, chaps. 1 and 2, pp. 46-47; see also F. V. Scholes, "The First Decade of the Inquisition in New Mexico,"
NMHR
10 (3): 195-241, P. 196. The evidence pointing to Benavides being the first Inquisition commissary is given in F. V. Scholes, "Problems in the Early Ecclesiastical History of New Mexico,"
NMHR
7 (1) (1932): 32-74; see esp. p. 53.
A second organization, the Santa Cruzada, also operated in New Mexico but was of minor importance in the church and state controversy. The Santa Cruzada ("bulls of crusade") granted by the pope to Spain for sale of indulgences to finance Spanish wars against the Moors may have dated from the twelfth or thirteenth centuries. They were continued after completion of the Reconquista in 1492, the justification now being the Spanish wars against the Turks and against Muslims in Africa. Sale of these indulgences began in the New World perhaps as early as 1535, with all castas eligible to purchase them except for Indians. A commissary sub-delegate authorized to sell the indulgences was appointed for New Mexico in 1633 (see Haring,
Spanish Empire
, pp. 135, 286-87). The legal status of this commissary in New Mexico quickly became still another bone of contention between governor and clergy (Scholes,
Church and State
, chap. 5, pp. 304-7). The Santa Cruzada was only one more irritant in the struggle between church and state. For the reaction of the Santa Fe cabildo in 1638 to the bulls of indulgences, see Report of the Cabildo to Viceroy, dated Feb. 21, 1639 (Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, pp. 66-74).

Other books

A Shattered Wife by Diana Salyers
Paint Job by Gail Bridges
Babyhood (9780062098788) by Reiser, Paul
A Simple Truth by Ball, Albert
Coming Home by Hughes, Vonnie