Kachina and the Cross (53 page)

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Authors: Carroll L Riley

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BOOK: Kachina and the Cross
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Page 263
Mexico Anthropologist
6-7 [3] [1943]: 154-55). A valuable general discussion of this Camino Real can be found in M. L. Pérez-González, "Royal Roads in the Old and New World: The Camino de Oñate and Its Importance in the Spanish Settlement of New Mexico,"
Colonial Latin American Historical Review
7 (2) (1998): 191-218.
For the route to and up the Rio Grande to El Paso, see the Oñate itinerary, Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1, pp. 314-15. The official Act of Taking Possession is given on pp. 329-36; see also G. Pérez de Villagrá,
Historia de Nueva México, 1610, A Critical and Annotated Spanish/English Version
, trans. and eds. M. Encinias, A. Rodriguez, and J. P. Sánchez (University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1992), pp. 131-38. The initial subjection of the Rio Grande and Pecos River Pueblos is discussed in the Oñate Itinerary, Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1, pp. 315-28. For the Doña Inés story and the statements about Pedro Oroz (or as Hammond and Rey transcribe it, "Orez"), see p. 321. J. L. Kessell (
Kiva, Cross, and Crown
[University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1987], p. 77) points out that Juan de Dios was a
donado
that is, an Indian "donated" to the Church from babyhood. Oñate refers to him as a "lay brother" (p. 321) and as "the beloved Franciscan lay brother" (p. 343). My arguments that Inés was from the Coronado expedition can be found in Riley,
Rio del Norte
, pp. 205-6, 249-50.
Chapter 5, The Pueblos and Their Neighbors In 1598
For a discussion of population among the Pueblos, see Riley,
Frontier People
, pp. 177-83, 230-32, 259; Riley
Rio del Norte
, pp. 224, 266. Oñate's estimates of 1599 are given in Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1, p. 485; those of Benavides for the 1620s are found in P. P. Forrestal and C. J. Lynch,
Benavides' Memorial of 1630
(Academy of American Franciscan History, Washington, D.C., 1954), pp. 13-34; for the quote on the Apache, see p. 14. See also A. H. Schroeder, "Rio Grande Ethnohistory,"
New Perspectives on the Pueblos
, A. Ortiz, ed. (University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1972), pp. 40-70; on p. 48 Schroeder reaches the same conclusions as do I in estimating Oñate-period Pueblo populations. However, A. M. Palkovich ("Historic Population of the Eastern Pueblos: 1540-1910,"
Journal of Anthropological Research
41 [4] [1985]: 401-26) tends to accept the Oñate figure of 60,000 (p. 406). But a recent intriguing article (H. Roberts and R. V. N. Ahlstrom, "Malaria, Microbes, and Mechanisms of Change,"
The Kiva
63 [2] [1997]: 117-35) suggests that malaria was possibly introducedat least to Sonoran and Arizonan populationsby Coronado's army. Whether the malaria plasmodium
Page 264
could have maintained itself in the Rio Grande Basin is an open question, but it might have done so on a low level. In addition, D. T. Reff (
Disease, Depopulation, and Culture Change in Northwestern New Spain
[University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, 1991], p. 109) place both measles and dysentery in the Sinaloa area some six years before Coronado's expedition. As Roberts and Ahlstrom (
Malaria
, p. 123) point out, some of the Coronado contingent was drawn from this very region. If the general conditions postulated by H. F. Dobyns in "Estimating Aboriginal American Population: An Appraisal of Techniques with a New Hemispheric Estimate," (
Current Anthropology
7 [4] [1966]: 395-416) hold for the Southwest, as I think they surely do, then some population decline between Coronado's time and that of Oñate seems inevitable. For another view of the population problem, see D. Henige,
Numbers from Nowhere: The American Indian Contact Population Debate
(University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1998).
The Teya and Querecho are discussed in Riley,
Teya
, pp. 320-343. For the Comanche, see E. Wallace and E. A. Hoebel,
The Comanche: Lords of the South Plains
(University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1952), pp. 8, 325-28; G. Hyde,
Indians of the High Plains
(University of Oklahoma Press, 1959), pp. 52-62, 95-98. Hyde (p. 62) thinks the term
Comanche
may come from that tribe's name for itself,
Neuma
with a Ute ending
ache.
The resultant
Neumache
was distorted by the Spaniards into
Ceumache
or
Comanche.
T. R. Fehrenbach (
Comanches: The Destruction of a People
[De Capo Press, New York, 1994 (first published in 1974), pp. xiii, 90-91 ) gives the native Uto-Aztecan name as
Nermernuh
("true human beings"), with the Spanish
Comanche
being a misrendering of the Ute word for these people,
Koh-mats
, "those who are always against us." Another, rather unlikely possibility is that
Comanche
comes from two Spanish words:
camino
and
ancho
(broad road).
For Frederick W. Hodge's comprehensive list of pueblos, see Hammond and Rey,
Oñate,
vol. 1, pp. 363-74. The Martínez map is reproduced as end pieces in Hammond and Rey,
Rediscovery.
For an overall figure on pueblos, see Juan de Torquemada,
Monarquia indiana
(Nicolas Rodriguez Franco, Madrid, 1723, 3 vols. [reprinted from the 1615 edition]), vol. 1, p. 679. For the situation among the Tewa in Castaño's time, see Schroeder and Matson,
Colony
, pp. 130-33. The Zuni situation is described in some detail in
A Zuni Life
, by V. Wyaco, transcribed and edited by J. A. Jones, Historical Sketch by C. L. Riley (University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1998).
Fray Francisco de Escobar's comments on Zuni population as of 1605 are found in Hammond and Rey,
Oñate,
vol. 2, pp. 1013-14. Hopi towns at the beginning of history are discussed in C. L. Riley,
The Protohistoric Hopi
(manuscript in the files
Page 265
of the Laboratory of Anthropology, Santa Fe, N.Mex.), chap. 1, pp. 8-9. See also J. O. Brew, "Hopi Prehistory and History to 1850,"
HNAI,
vol. 9,
Southwest
(Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., 1979), pp. 514-23. A good overview of the Pueblo settlements in the sixteenth century is given in A. H. Schroeder, "Pueblos Abandoned in Historic Times,"
HNAI
, vol. 9, pp. 236-54.
For languages of the Southwest, see Riley,
Rio del Norte
, pp. 96-105. Pueblo trade, including that which extended into the Spanish period, is discussed in Riley,
Frontier People
, pp. 190-98, 236-40, 267-77, 302-4, 319-24.
An excellent source on the Manso is P. H. Beckett and T. L. Corbett,
The Manso Indians
(COAS Publishing and Research, Las Cruces, N.Mex., 1992). The relationship between the Manso and the El Paso phase of the Jornada Mogollon is discussed on pp. 39-47, 53-56 (Appendix A, contributed by David V. Hill). Michael Whalen's comments on the doubtful 1561 date can be found on p. 45.
For the term Tanpachoas, see Hammond and Rey,
Rediscovery
, p. 169. Oñate's statement on the Manso can be found in Hammond and Rey,
Oñate,
vol. 1, p. 315. Coronado's contact with the Mansos is discussed in Riley,
Rio del Norte
, p. 166.
For a discussion of the Manso language, see Beckett and Corbett,
Manso,
pp. 32-37. Other speculation on the languages of this region can be found in N. P. Hickerson,
The Jumanos
(University of Texas Press, Austin, 1994), pp. 321-22. T. H. Naylor ("Athapaskans They Weren't: The Suma Rebels Executed at Casas Grandes in 1685,"
The Protohistoric Period in the North American Southwest: A.D. 1450-1700,
D. R. Wilcox and W. B. Masse, eds. [Arizona State University, Anthropological Research Papers, no. 24, 1881], pp. 275-81, p. 278) suggests that the Sumas were culturally and linguistically related to several of the Chihuahuan and Texas groups, including the Concho and Jumano (p. 278). He does not deal with the Mansos. An argument that the Jumanos were separate from both the Suma and Manso is given by B. Lockhart in "Protohistoric Confusion: A Cultural Comparison of the Manso, Suma, and Jumano Indians of the Paso del Norte Region,"
Journal of the Southwest
39 (1) (1997): 113-49, p. 141. See also C. F. Schaafsma, "Ethnohistoric Groups in the Casas Grandes Region: Circa A.D.
1500-1700,"
Layers of Time: Papers in Honor of Robert H. Weber,
Archaeological Society of New Mexico, 23, M. S. Durán and D. T. Kirkpatrick, eds. (Albuquerque, N.Mex., 1997), who ably summarizes the several positions on ethnic identity in the region (pp. 85-98).
For cultural material on the Manso, see Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1, p. 315; Hammond and Rey,
Rediscovery
, pp. 78-79, 169, 218; and Forrestal and Lynch,
Benavides' Memorial
, pp. 10-13.
Trade in the Southwest both pre-and post-Columbian is discussed in Riley,
Frontier People
(see trade under various chapter headings); see also Riley,
Rio del
Page 266
Norte
, pp. 112-18. For macaws in Pueblo IV and later times, consult Hargrave,
Mexican Macaws
, pp. 49-54. For the homeland of the scarlet macaw, see E. R. Blake,
Birds of Mexico
(University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1953). Comments on the military macaw and the thick-billed parrot can be found in D. Creel and C. R. McKusick, "Prehistoric Macaws and Parrots in the Mimbres Area, New Mexico,"
American Antiquity
59 (3) (1994): 510-24, esp. p. 511. P Y. Bullock ("Are Macaws Valid Indications of Southwestern Regional Trade?" paper presented at the 59th annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Pittsburgh, Penn., 1992, Office of Archaeological Studies, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe) has challenged identifications of scarlet macaws found in archaeological contexts. In my opinion, however, Bullock overstates the difficulties in making such determinations.
For origin of the Pecos glazes, see A. O. Shepard, "Rio Grande Glaze-paint Pottery: A Test of Petroglyphic Analysis,"
Ceramics and Man
, F. R. Matson, ed. (Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, no. 41, 1965, pp. 62-87), pp. 69-81. For the Protohistoric pottery traditions in the Rio Grande area, see D. H. Snow,
Rio Grande Glaze Tradition.
A good discussion of the properties of fibrolite is found in A. V. Kidder,
The Artifacts of Pecos
(Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn., 1932), pp. 50-51. For Zaldívar's comments on trade from the Southwest to the Plains, see Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1, p. 400. Trade in the same area was commented on during the Valverde Inquiry of 1602, given in Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 2, pp. 836-77; see p. 864.
The influence of the Spaniards on the sixteenth-century Pueblos is discussed in Riley,
Rio del Norte
, pp. 209-24. See also Schroeder,
Rio Grande Ethnohistory
, esp. pp. 47-51. The use of the four-pointed star is discussed in P. Schaafsma, "Feathered Stars and Scalps in Pueblo IV," ms. in library, Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe, n.d. See also P. Schaafsma,
Warriors, Shields, and Stars: War Imagery and Ideology of the Pueblos, A.D. 1250-1600
(Western Edge Press, Santa Fe, in press).
For agricultural practices among the Pueblos in Oñate's time, see Riley,
Rio del Norte
, pp. 214-15. Hunting in late prehistoric times (presumably much the same as in Oñate's days) is discussed on p. 104. Native plants and animals used by the Pueblos as of Oñate's time, including melons(!), are listed in Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1, pp. 481-82. For the early arrival of melons, see R. I. Ford, "The New Pueblo Economy,"
When Cultures Meet: Remembering San Gabriel del Yungue Oweenge
(Sunstone Press, Santa Fe, N.Mex., 1987, pp. 73-91), pp. 77-78. Ford thinks the melons may have spread from the Conchos area in late preOñate times. I think it possible (perhaps even likely) that they were left by Coronado. For the mention of chile by the Espejo party, see M. Cuevas,
Historia

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