Henry VIII's Last Victim (62 page)

17
Tottel’s Miscellany
I, nos. 8 and 13; II, p. 141.

18
Nashe,
The Unfortunate Traveller
, p. 315.

19
Ibid., p. 323.

20
The Works of Michael Drayton
(5 vols., Oxford, 1931–41), II, ed. J. W. Hebel, pp. 277–94; V, ed. K. Tillotson and B. H. Newdigate, pp. 130–3.

21
Pope,
Windsor Forest
(1713), p. 13.

22
Scott,
Lay of the Last Minstrel
, ed. S. G. Dunn (Bombay and Oxford, 1912), canto VI, stanzas XVIII, XIX.

23
Ibid., p. 147.

24
Nott, pp. 8, 5, 29, 15.

25
Foley, ‘Honorable Style’, pp. 87–97; Sessions (1999), pp. 192–5.

26
PRO SP 1/122, fo. 235v.

27
Bodleian MS Ashmole 394, fos. 93–8. Some of Surrey’s past biographers have argued that Thomas was born in 1536 and that it is Henry, Surrey’s second son, to whom Norfolk’s letter of 14 March 1538 refers. However, Norfolk wrote that the son would only have been called Henry had Frances undergone her full reckoning. His letter, written from Kenninghall, strongly suggests that Frances gave birth there (‘the women here would not suffer me to let the child be so long unchristened’), not at Shotisham where Henry, the second son, is known to have been born. Further, in a second letter of 6 April 1538, Norfolk writes again from Kenninghall (not
Shotisham) about the plague that was spreading so quickly that ‘I am enforced to send both my sons children out of this house to another house five miles hence’ (PRO SP 1/131, fo. 36). For further arguments in favour of Thomas being born in 1538, see Nott, app. XXXV, p. lxxxiii and Williams,
Thomas Howard Fourth Duke of Norfolk
, p. 1.

28
Queen Jane, after whom the baby was probably named, sent Frances ‘a girdle of goldsmith’s work enamelled’ as a christening present (BL Royal MS 7 C XVI, fo. 24).

29
PRO SP 1/130, fo. 43.

30
The evidence is not watertight and alternative dates have been proffered. My sources are: Williams,
Thomas Howard
, p. 4; G. E. Cokayne,
The Complete Peerage
, ed. V. Gibbs et al. (13 vols., 1910–59), IX, p. 674; XI, p. 549, and Smyth,
Lives of the Berkeleys
II, pp. 381, 387. Smyth’s comments suggest that Katherine was born in 1538, but as Thomas was born in March of that year, 1539 seems more likely.

31
Poems
, 24.

32
Junius,
Epistolae
, p. 13; Williams,
Thomas Howard
, p. 6.

33
W. Bercher,
The Nobility of Women
, ed. R. W. Bond (2 vols., 1904–5), I, p. 154.

34
Smyth,
Lives of the Berkeleys
II, pp. 284–5, 337, 382–7.

35
Ibid., p. 386.

36
Junius,
Epistolae
, p. 32; PRO SP 1/143, fo. 186.

37
Churchyardes Charge
, p. 2.

38
PRO SP 1/120, fo. 15.

39
Junius,
Epistolae
, p. 178.

40
R. Morison,
A Remedy for Sedition
(1536), sig. B.i.

41
Spanish Chronicle
, p. 147; Herbert, p. 564; PRO SP 1/227, fo. 105.

42
Nashe,
The Unfortunate Traveller
, p. 312.

43
In September 1540 a ‘lewd fellow’ from Norfolk called John Kynton was punished for ‘certain naughty and ungracious words’ spoken ‘to my l. of Surrey’. It is not clear whether these words were directed at Surrey or simply reported by him. That the Duke of Norfolk consulted legal experts, took depositions from witnesses and reported the incident to the Council suggests that the matter involved more than a few slanderous remarks about his son. Replying to Norfolk, ‘upon his information of one, who had spoken
dangerous
words’, the Council advised him to ‘proceed against the said Kynton as to his desert shall appertain’. It seems likely, therefore, that Kynton had criticised the King or his policies and that Surrey had simply reported him. See
PPC
, pp. 40–2; PRO PC 2/1, fo. 34; BL Harleian MS 6989, fo. 97.

9 Chevalier sans Reproche

1
St. P.
VIII, p. 165.

2
BL Cottonian MS Titus B I, fo. 473;
LP
XIV i, 398, 529.

3
Holinshed III, pp. 809–10.

4
See Starkey,
The Reign of Henry VIII
, pp. 130–2.

5
Ashdown Forest: PRO SP 1/153, fo. 17 (
LP
XIV ii, 29); J. E. Doyle,
The Official Baronage of England
(3 vols., 1886), III, p. 679. Wymondham Abbey: PRO E 329/484 (
LP
XV, 1032). Duchy of Lancaster: PRO DL 29/313/5047; PRO SP 1/227, fo. 131; R. Somerville,
History of the Duchy of Lancaster
, vol. 1:
1265–1603
(1953), p. 595.

6
Longleat MSS Seymour Papers XVIII, fos. 11v–17v: 18 Oct. (supper), 19 Oct. (supper), 20 Oct. (supper), 21 Oct. (supper), 22 Oct. (dinner), 24 Oct. (dinner and supper), 25 Oct. (dinner), 28 Oct. (dinner and supper).

7
Wriothesley I, p. 99.

8
Constantyne, p. 61.

9
Notes from the archives at Paris and Brussels, in Thomas,
The Pilgrim
, pp. 118–19.

10
W. H. Frere and W. M. Kennedy,
Visitation Articles and Injunctions
II (1910), p. 38.

11
Lisle Letters
V, p. 478.

12
See MacCulloch,
Thomas Cranmer
, pp. 252–3.

13
See MacCulloch,
Tudor Church Militant: Edward VI and the Protestant Reformation
(1999), pp. 5–6.

14
Visitation Articles and Injunctions
II, pp. 35–6; MacCulloch,
Thomas Cranmer
, pp. 241–2.

15
Constantyne, p. 60.

16
Ibid., p. 62 (my italics). For Barlow’s character, see
CSP Sp.
IV ii, 967; Starkey,
Six Wives
, p. 305.

17
LP
XIV ii, 572; XV, 14;
CSP Sp.
VI i, p. xi.

18
Strype,
Ecclesiastical Memorials
I ii, app. CXIV, p. 455.

19
Ibid., p. 462.

20
Scarisbrick,
Henry VIII
, p. 371.

21
Strype,
Ecclesiastical Memorials
I ii, app. CXIV, p. 461.

22
LP
XV, 616.

23
Poems
, 27, lines 17–18.

24
Ellis,
Original Letters
, 2nd series I, p. 182.

25
Bindoff: Sir John Dudley;
CSP Sp.
IX, p. 19.

26
Wriothesley I, pp. 116–19; Hall, p. 838; Holinshed III, pp. 815–16; BL Harleian MS 69, fo. 18.

27
Wriothesley I, p. 118.

28
Ibid.,
p. 117.

29
LP
XVI ii, 1409 (1).

30
Robinson,
Original Letters
I, p. 202; Smith,
A Tudor Tragedy
, p. 118;
LP
XV, 613 (12).

31
BL Cottonian MS Titus B I, fo. 101.

32
PRO SP 1/92, fo. 147;
Lisle Letters
I, p. 56.

33
Constantyne, p. 77.

34
Starkey,
The Reign of Henry VIII
, p. 129.

35
Starkey,
Rivals in Power
, p. 100.

36
PRO SP 1/227, fo. 97.

37
LP
XVI i, 12; Notes from the archives at Paris and Brussels, in Thomas,
The Pilgrim
, p. 157.

38
Spanish Chronicle
, p. 77. Catherine gave one of her new jewels, a diamondand ruby-encrusted brooch, to Frances Surrey (BL Stowe MS 559, fo. 59).

39
PRO SP 1/161, fo. 147; Nott, app. IX;
LP
XVI i, 305 (68); BL Cottonian MS Claudius C III, fo.124v.

40
Miller,
Henry VIII and the English Nobility
, p. 88.

41
Anstis,
Register
II, pp. 421–3.

42
Ibid., pp. 332–3.

43
PRO SP 1/165, fo. 184v.

44
Holinshed III, pp. 819–20;
CSP Sp.
VI i, 158.

45
LP
XVI i, 797, 808–9, 811, 813, 820.

46
Anstis,
Register
II, pp. 329–30, 339–40; Begent and Chesshyre,
The Most Noble Order of the Garter
, p. 221; PRO LR 2/115, fo. 3v;
The Inventory of King Henry VIII
, no. 2529.

47
Longleat MSS Misc. XIX, fo. 121v.

48
Begent and Chesshyre, pp. 220–4; Anstis,
Register
II, p. 423.

49
Surrey’s previous biographers assumed he was only made cupbearer after Henry VIII’s marriage to Catherine Parr. However the Dunche MS reveals that he held the office when Catherine Howard was Queen. See
The Manuscript of William Dunche
, ed. A. G. W. Murray and E. F. Bosanquet (Exeter, 1914), p. 34; Miller,
Henry VIII and the English Nobility
, pp. 83–4. For Surrey’s annual wage of £50, see PRO SP 1/227, fo. 131.

50
See D. Starkey, ‘Representation Through Intimacy: A Study in the Symbolism of Monarchy and Court Office in Early-modern England’, in
Symbols and Sentiments
, ed. I. Lewis (1977), pp. 212–13.

51
CSP Sp.
VI i, p. vi.

52
Ibid., pp. xvi
f
.

53
LP
XV, 953; XVI i, 590.

54
PRO SP 1/163, fo. 46.

55
Starkey,
Six Wives,
p. 679. This is the most recent and best account of the rise and fall of Catherine Howard. I am particularly indebted to the author
for the transcriptions within his book of the depositions taken during the investigation into Catherine’s misconduct.

56
PPC
, p. 353.

57
Starkey,
Six Wives
, p. 669.

58
Ibid., p. 667.

59
PPC
, p. 355.

60
LP
XVI ii, 1339.

61
Smith,
A Tudor Tragedy
, pp. 168–9.

62
Wriothesley I, p. 132.

63
Kaulek,
Correspondance Politique
, p. 371 (
LP
XVI ii, 1426).

64
LP
XVI ii, 1457.

65
St. P.
I, p. 721.

66
CSP Sp.
VI i, 232;
LP
XVII i, 106.

67
Longleat MSS Seymour Papers XVIII, fo. 55.

68
AH
I, no. 78.

69
After her husband became Edward VI’s Protector in 1547, Anne grew ‘more presumptuous than Lucifer’, according to one contemporary, while another labelled her ‘imperious and insolent’. In his history of the Berkeley family, John Smyth noted that Anne was reputed as ‘a woman for many imperfections intolerable, for pride monstrous, exceedingly both subtle and violent in accomplishing her ends, for which she spurned over all respects both of conscience and shame’ (
Spanish Chronicle
, p. 156; Jordan,
Edward VI
II, p. 86; Smyth,
Lives of the Berkeleys
II, p. 430).

70
See Heale, pp. 23–4.

71
BL Lansdowne MS 2, fo. 34;
LP
XVII i, 362 (66); XVI ii, 1488 (18).

10 Poet without Peer

1
Stevens,
Music & Poetry
, app. A, pp. 344–5.

2
Quoted by Heale, p. 61. See too Junius,
Epistolae
, pp. 30–1.

3
B. J. Harris, ‘Women and Politics in Early Tudor England’,
HJ
, 33/2 (1990), p. 279; Thomas,
The Pilgrim
, p. 13.

4
This is Starkey’s phrase (‘The Age of the Household’, p. 253).

5
Heale, p. 53. For the poem, see Wyatt,
Poems
, no. LXXX. In his epistolary satires, Wyatt addressed the courtier’s dilemma – whether to retire from the Court to a life of ease in the country (but with the nagging guilt of having renounced one’s civic duty to provide the King with good counsel), or to remain at Court in the King’s service, where innocence, honour and even life are under threat. For an incisive reading of Wyatt’s
Third Satire
and its debunking of Castiglione’s theory that the perfect courtier, by means of his accomplishments, can speak candidly to his King and lead him towards virtue, see D. Starkey, ‘The Court: Castiglione’s Ideal
and Tudor Reality; being a discussion of Sir Thomas Wyatt’s “Satire addressed to Sir Francis Bryan”’,

6
Poems
, 28.

7
See Heale, p. 93.

8
Poems
, 13.

9
Wyatt,
Poems
, no. XLIX.

10
Poems
, 28.

11
Wyatt,
Poems
, no. CLII. For his imprisonment, see Brigden, ‘“The Shadow that you Know”’.

12
In Henry VIII’s Psalter, presented to him by Jean Mallard and now in the British Library (BL Royal MS 2 A XVI), there are miniature portraits of David clearly fashioned from Henry VIII’s own likeness. Francis I’s Book of Hours had included an illustration of Francis as David kneeling in prayer with a bathing Bathsheba in the background, but in the miniature portrait accompanying psalm 69 (associated with ‘David in Penance’) in Henry VIII’s Psalter, Bathsheba is conspicuous by her absence. See P. Tudor-Craig, ‘Henry VIII and King David’, in
Early Tudor England: Proceedings of the 1987 Harlaxton Symposium
, ed. D. Williams (Woodbridge, 1989), pp. 195–8; J. N. King, ‘Henry VIII as David’, in
Rethinking the Henrician Era
, ed. Herman, pp. 83–6.