Fear Itself (84 page)

177
See Vaudagna, “The New Deal and Corporativism in Italy.”

178
Peri E. Arnold,
Making the Managerial Presidency: Comprehensive Reorganization Planning, 1905–1980
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986), chap. 4.

179
Louis Brownlaw,
Report of the President’s Committee on Administrative Management
(Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1937), p. 4; cited in Arnold,
Making the Managerial Presidency
, p. 104.

180
It was Hannah Arendt’s insight that there was an internal relationship between relatively moderate popular-front policies and the deepening of repression at home. “Stalin has carried this art of balance, which demands more skill than the ordinary routine of diplomacy, to the point where a moderation in foreign policy or the political line of the Comintern is almost invariably accompanied by radical purges in the Russian party. It was certainly more than coincidence that the Popular Front policy and the drafting of the comparatively liberal Soviet constitution were accompanied by the Moscow Trials.” See Arendt,
The Origins of Totalitarianism
(London: George Allen and Unwin, 1951), p. 415.

181
François Furet,
The Passing of an Illusion: The Ideal of Communism in the Twentieth Century
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), p. 279.

182
Ibid., p. 282.

CHAPTER 3
“STRONG MEDICINE”

1
“Nine Lynchings Reported for 2 Months in 1933,”
Chicago Defender,
March 18, 1933. The place-name abbreviations in the original text have been expanded. An earlier
Defender
report of March 4 had detailed how “some 40 local white business men and landowners” had carried out the Nash lynching. “Undeterred by [a] lack of identification, the posse took Nash into the woods and strung him up from a tree, after first attempting to burn him at the stake but finding the brush too wet to accommodate that form of lingering death and torture.”

2
The photograph is dated March 10, 1933. Geert Mak,
In Europe: Travels through the Twentieth Century
(New York: Vintage, 2007), p. 244.

3
For a discussion of “the demise of party government,” and how the influence of political parties and politicians declined rapidly following the assassination of Prime Minister Inukai in May 1932, see James L. McClain,
Japan: A Modern History
(New York: W. W. Norton, 2002), pp. 422, 423, 424, 426–31. Of the twelve prime ministers in office between May 1932 and August 1945, four were admirals and four were generals. See W. Beasley,
The Japanese Experience: A Short History of Japan
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), p. 243. For a discussion of implications of this assassination, and how it led to the steady growth of military power within the subsequent compromise “National Governments,” see Edwin O. Reischauer,
Japan: Past and Present,
3d. ed., rev. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965), p. 171. A useful treatment of the
Japanese military is Meirion and Susie Harries,
Soldiers of the Sun: The Rise and Fall of the Imperial Japanese Army, 1868–1945
(London: Heinemann, 1991).

4
Alan Bullock,
Hitler and Stalin: Parallel Lives
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1992), p. 316. The Nationalist and Center parties supported the Enabling Act, thinking it would be directed only against Communists and Social Democrats, “failing to realize that once the act was passed, they too would be vulnerable and Hitler free to dispense with them” (p. 315). The 81 Communist representatives were barred from the session (most were in concentration camps, in hiding, or had been killed), and only 94 of the 120 Social Democrats were admitted.

5
An early draft of the speech read, more flaccidly, “This is no occasion of soft speaking or the raising of false hopes.” The record of who wrote the famous sentence is unclear. Samuel Rosenman, who edited the Roosevelt papers, attributes it to FDR, noting how Eleanor had given her husband a copy of Henry David Thoreau’s writings shortly before his inauguration, and that the text, containing the sentence “Nothing is so much to be feared as fear,” was in his hotel suite when the speech was put in final form. By contrast, Raymond Moley, who had penned the first draft, believes Louis Howe rewrote the text, adding the first paragraph, having read a newspaper advertisement that used the expression “fear itself.” We will never know. For a summary of the controversy, see William Safire,
Safire’s Political Dictionary
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 481–82.

6
John Gunther,
Roosevelt in Retrospect: A Profile in History
(New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950), p. 19.

7
William E. Leuchtenburg, “The Great Depression,” in
The Comparative Approach to American History
, ed. C. Vann Woodward (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 296–97. Until the eve of World War II, the cumulative rate of unemployment in the United States was two and a half times the level in France, more than one and a half times those of Britain and Sweden, and 20 percent higher than that of Germany, where the Depression originally hit nearly as hard. See Daniel T. Rodgers,
Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998), p. 412. On the banks, in comparative perspective, see Barry Eichengreen,
Golden Fetters: The Gold Standard and the Great Depression, 1919–1939
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), especially pp. 222–86.

8
John Shuckburgh Risley,
The Law of War
(London: A. D. Innes, 1897), pp. 73–74. Risley’s text continues to have some resonance. It was cited, for example, in the habeas petition of David Hicks in October 2004. Hicks, an Australian citizen detained at Guantánamo Bay, was the first person to be tried and convicted by a Military Commission for persons held there. He was returned to Australia in April 2007, where he served the last nine months of his sentence, and was released in December of that year.

9
A. W. Ward, G. W. Prothero, and Stanley Leathes, eds.,
The Cambridge Modern History,
vol. 12,
The Modern Age
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1910). The series was first planned by Lord Acton in 1898. He is widely remembered for pronouncing in an 1887 letter to Bishop Mandell Creighton that “power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.” After Acton’s death in 1902, the series was edited by the Cambridge University historians A. W. Ward, G. W. Prothero, and Stanley Leathes.

10
Eric Hobsbawm,
The Age of Empire, 1875–1914
(New York: Pantheon, 1987), pp. 307–8. “In Germany,” he notes, “Krupp, the king of cannons, employed 16,000 in 1873, 24,000 around 1890, 45,000 around 1900, and almost 70,000 in 1912 when the fifty-thousandth of Krupp’s famous guns left the works. In Britain Armstrong Whitworth employed 12,000 men at their main works in Newcastle, who had increased to 20,000—or over 40 per cent of all metalworkers on Tyneside—by 1914, not counting those in the 1500 smaller firms who lived by Armstrong’s sub-contracts” (p. 308).

11
Stanley Leathes, “Modern Europe,” in
The Modern Age
, ed. Word, Prothero, and Leathes, pp. 7–8.

12
Cited in MacGregor Knox,
To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and National Socialist Dictatorships,
vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), p. 170. Max Weber’s emphasis is in his original text.

13
Alan Kramer,
Dynamics of Destruction: Culture and Mass Killing in the First World War
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 2, 34, 35; John Keegan,
The First World War
(London: Hutchinson, 1998), pp. 3, 6, 7.

14
For World War I casualties, see Hew Strachan,
World War I: A History
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1991); Alan Kramer,
Dynamic of Destruction: Culture and Mass Killing in the First World War
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2007); T. J. Mitchell,
Casualties and Medical Statistics of the Great War
(1931; reprint, London: Battery Press, 1997).

15
Knox,
To the Threshold of Power,
p. 167; Mark Thompson,
The White War: Life and Death on the Italian Front 1915–1919
(New York: Basic Books, 2009).

16
Robert Gellately,
Lenin, Stalin, and Hitler
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2007), p. 4. For overviews, see Charles Messenger,
Call to Arms: The British Army, 1914–1918
(London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 2005); Michael S. Neibeft,
Fighting the Great War: A Global History
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005).

17
James W. Garner, “Proposed Rules for the Regulation of Aerial Warfare,”
American Journal of International Law
18 (1924): 65; Joanna Bourke,
Fear: A Cultural History
(London: Virago, 2005), p. 195.

18
Kramer,
Dynamics of Destruction,
p. 31.

19
Garner, “Proposed Rules,” p. 69.

20
On what he calls the Armenian catastrophe, see Norman M. Naimark,
Fires of Hatred: Ethnic Cleansing in Twentieth-Century Europe
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001), pp. 17–56.

21
Raphael Lemkin,
Axis Rule in Occupied Europe
(Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1944), pp. 79–95; United Nations, General Assembly Resolution 260, “Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide,” December 1948; the text may be found at http://www.hrweb.org/legal/genocide.html. For a discussion, see John Cooper,
Raphael Lemkin and the Struggle for the Genocide Convention
(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008). See also Donald Bloxham, “Modernity and Genocide,”
European History Quarterly
38 (2008): 294–311.

22
This is how Hannah Arendt assessed such programs of killing. See Arendt,
The Origins of Totalitarianism
(London: George Allen and Unwin, 1951), pp. 437–59. In anticipation of worse to come, anti-Soviet White Army contingents murdered more than 100,000 Jews in Ukraine and Belarus at war’s end, between 1918 and 1922. The peak year was 1919. A contemporaneous account is Elias Haifetz,
Slaughter of the Jews in the Ukraine in 1919
(New York: Thomas Seltzer, 1921). “Systematically, methodically, step by step, house by house, street by street, the Jewish population was killed, violated, and exterminated.” This is a report of the pogrom in Kiev, p. 120. See also Zvi Y. Gitelman,
A Century of Ambivalence: The Jews of Russia and the Soviet Union, 1881 to the Present
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001).

23
Cited in John T. Whitaker,
And Fear Came
(New York: Macmillan, 1936), p. 40.

24
For a useful discussion of the crisis in Manchuria, see Zara Steiner,
The Lights That Failed: European International History, 1919–1933
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp. 707–51. On Shanghai, see Christian Henriot and Wen-Hsien Yeh, eds.,
In the Shadow of the Rising Sun: Shanghai under Japanese Occupation
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). A broader overview is provided in Akira Iriye, ed.,
The Chinese and the Japanese: Essays in Political and Cultural Interaction
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1980).

25
Hajo Holborn,
The Political Collapse of Europe
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1951), pp. 110, 137; Steiner,
The Lights That Failed,
pp. 800, 810.

26
And looking ahead, Steiner noted that “American economic and political isolationism would reach a new peak.” See Steiner,
The Lights That Failed,
p. 807.

27
Denis W. Brogan,
Democratic Government in an Atomic World: A Lecture Delivered under the Auspices of the Walter J. Shepard Foundation, April 24, 1957
(Columbus: Ohio State University, 1956), pp. 6–7.

28
Steiner,
The Lights That Failed,
p. 826; Italy’s population in 1930 was 40,900,000; that of the United States was 123,200,000. Of the 140,000 soldiers in the professional army, only some 4,000 were black. In this interwar period, “most blacks were assigned, on paper, to the congressionally mandated four black regiments: the 9th and 10th Cavalry, and 24th and 25th Infantry. In practice, however, most blacks were consigned to demeaning post duties such as collecting garbage, policing lawns, operating the laundries, driving trucks, providing senior officers domestic help (‘orderlies’), or entertaining the troops with gospel songs. As in the civilian sector, blacks were denied opportunities for schooling and advancement. Black officers were a rarity.” See Clay Blair,
The Forgotten War: America in Korea, 1950–1953
(New York: Anchor Books, 1989), p. 148.