Blood of Tyrants: George Washington & the Forging of the Presidency (18 page)

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Authors: Logan Beirne

Tags: #American Revolution, #Founding Fathers, #George Washington, #18th Century

BOOK: Blood of Tyrants: George Washington & the Forging of the Presidency
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Many doctors and New York’s legislature, called the Provincial Congress, warned against smallpox immunization, claiming that it actually exacerbated the epidemic.
36
The inoculation was a grotesque procedure that had been used in India for thousands of years but was still relatively new to the Europeans. First, the administering doctor used a pin to prick the pustule of a smallpox victim. Next, he extracted the puss and contained it in a jar. Then the doctor would scratch the skin of a healthy inoculation recipient to create an open wound. Finally, he dabbed the infected puss into the wound to spread the disease in a controlled fashion.
37
This was a far healthier way to contract smallpox than by inhalation or casual contact. The patient inoculated with the puss would normally contract just a mild case of smallpox for a few weeks and then enjoy immunity to subsequent exposure. However, there was a catch. During those weeks of illness and recovery, the patient could spread the disease to others, giving them a full-blown, deadly case. While those who contracted the disease via inoculation suffered a mere 0.9 percent mortality rate, among those who contracted it via natural means, 17 percent perished—and the others suffered horribly.
Washington had mixed feelings about inoculation. He was reasonably well acquainted with the process, since his second cousin had previously set up a smallpox inoculation hospital, and Washington had even allowed his beloved stepson Jacky to be inoculated before going away to school in Europe. Nevertheless, he feared that mass inoculation would spread the disease further if the newly inoculated patients were not properly quarantined. And even if they were, Washington ran the risk that the British might attack while many of the American troops were still weakened.
Although he had seen the efficacy of inoculation firsthand, Washington—in his typical subservient fashion—abided by the New York legislature’s opposition to it. Upon receiving news that the New York authorities had arrested a doctor caught inoculating American troops, Washington presented “his Compliments to the Honorable The Provincial Congress, and General Committee” and expressed that he was “much obliged to them, for their Care, in endeavouring to prevent the spreading of the Small-pox (by Inoculation or any other way) in this City, or in the Continental Army.” He then ordered that his officers “take the strictest care, to . . . prevent Inoculation” and that any soldier who allowed himself to be inoculated “must expect the severest punishment.” Further, any officer who was inoculated would be “cashiered and turned out of the army, and have his name published in the News papers throughout the Continent, as an Enemy and Traitor to his Country.”
38
Washington was serious about following the New York civil authority’s direction. But, with his headstrong wife’s help, he came to change his mind. And in doing so, he altered the course of history.
Martha Washington was a “small plump, elegantly formed woman”
39
with hazel eyes, dark hair, and “those frank, engaging manners, so captivating in Southern women.”
40
She was certainly seen as physically attractive, but people seemed to be most struck by her intelligence and her “sweet and radiant” temperament.
41
A rich widow, she had married Washington when they were both twenty-seven years old, and in doing so, catapulted his social and financial standing. You can make more in a minute than you can make in a lifetime. While their relationship was not a particularly romantic one, they nevertheless shared a deep devotion to and admiration for one another. In fact, Washington was said to wear a locket containing a miniature picture of her around his neck every day of their marriage.
42
Loving life almost as much as she loved George, Martha saw inoculation as a way to pursue both loves: if she gained immunity, she could join her husband at his encampment without contracting the deadly version of smallpox from his soldiers. So she took matters into her own hands. Despite the fact that her husband’s army threatened death to soldiers who sought inoculation, she pressed on undeterred. Washington, underestimating her tenacity, privately confided to his cousin, “Mrs. Washington . . . talks of taking the Small Pox [inoculation], but I doubt her resolution.”
43
To his surprise, she underwent the procedure.
44
After several weeks, she recovered and rejoined her beloved husband without trepidation of the baneful disease.
Rumors had it that one of Martha’s reasons for being inoculated was to persuade her husband of the procedure’s merits.
45
And it was around this time that Washington began to tout its benefits. The Americans’ efforts to combat smallpox by outlawing inoculation had failed, and Washington came to see the procedure as the only solution to the epidemic.
Despite the opposition from civil authorities in New York and elsewhere, Washington asserted his military authority and petitioned Congress to reverse course.
46
Congress agreed, and Washington ordered mass inoculations of his troops to commence. This move was unprecedented. Washington’s army would become the first in history to utilize wholesale smallpox inoculation. Washington’s emerging boldness as a leader in the face of civilian disagreement would help save thousands of men and probably the American army itself.
The inoculation campaign did little, however, to alleviate the near-term suffering in New York during the summer of 1776. It was too late to help the soldiers who had already contracted smallpox. They languished in the streets of Manhattan along with their comrades who suffered from other diseases such as dysentery. In all, nearly 3,800 men reported being too sick to fight.
47
And to make matters worse, even those who did not succumb to illness were ready to desert.
Thousands of American deserters filled the roads to Connecticut and New Jersey as soldiers fled to the comfort of their homes. Some were ill; others were just sick of being unpaid, inadequately supplied, and poorly led by civil authorities. One proud soldier, a devout patriot who had served the cause dutifully, wrote to his wife, “You are afraid that I shall stay in the cause of liberty till I shall make myself a slave to it. I have too much reason to fear that will be the case. I hope to come home soon and see you. Wishing you goodnight, your most kind and affectionate husband till death.”
48
Suffering terribly and longing for home, he soon quit and returned to his family in Massachusetts, where he worked as a shoemaker for the rest of the war. Similar sentiments were rife in the American ranks, threatening to tear Washington’s army apart.
As impotent as he was angry, Washington complained to Congress that his soldiers, “instead of calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and manly opposition, in order to repair our Losses, are dismayed, Intractable, and Impatient to return. Great numbers of them have gone off . . . .”
49
Worse yet, many of the Americans did not merely go home, but actually defected to the British side. This was unsurprising, since the British redcoats were faring much better just across the river in Brooklyn.
14
 
Between a Hawk and a Buzzard
 
T
he British were far happier and healthier than their wilting foes. Rather than a weak commander and an interfering, cash-strapped civil authority, the British enjoyed a powerful, streamlined military leadership. They received regular pay from Britain’s deep coffers and even gorged themselves on the plentiful food provided by Britain’s all-powerful navy.
Contrary to the popular American conception of the redcoats as battle-scarred “sweepings of the London and Liverpool slums, debtors, drunks, common criminals and the like, who had been bullied and beaten into mindless obedience,”
1
they were actually demographically similar to their American counterparts. The redcoat foot soldiers were mostly young farmers and unskilled laborers who were not forced into service but instead lured by the promise of food, pay, and adventure.
2
And while the Americans thought the redcoats were street trash, the British soldiers did not think too highly of the patriots either. One Brit wrote of them:
While every clown that tills the plain,
Though bankrupt in estate and brains,
By this new light transformed to traitor,
Forsakes his plough to turn dictator.
3
 
The young men on both sides of the war had a tremendous amount in common. The patriots and redcoats shared the same religion, customs, and heritage. Despite popular misconceptions, they even shared a similar accent. While one might imagine the British complaining about preparations for the coming “ha
h
d wint
uh
,” denizens of the British Isles actually spoke like the Americans in lamenting the “ha
r
d winte
r
.”
4
This is because the “British accent” is actually a manufactured one that did not fully take hold until after the war.
Both the British and the Americans originally shared a rhotic accent in which they pronounced the “R’s” in their words. However, around this time, something peculiar started to occur in Britain: the people began a concerted effort to change their pronunciation to non-rhotic.
5
As the Industrial Revolution catapulted individuals of low birth rank into titans of British industry, these nouveau riche Londoners sought to distinguish themselves from fellow commoners.
6
And so, they actively cultivated a non-rhotic accent to signify their new elite status. “London pronunciation became the prerogative of a new breed of specialists—orthoepists and teachers of elocution,” and it was these men who “decided on correct pronunciations, compiled pronouncing dictionaries and, in private and expensive tutoring sessions, drilled enterprising citizens in fashionable articulation.”
7
Thus, while the British manufactured their posh new accent during the late eighteenth century, the Americans continued to pronounce their “R’s”—only Boston and New York City followed the trend, developing their own non-rhotic accents since they remained “under the strongest influence by the British elite.”
8
During this summer of 1776, however, the new accents had not yet taken hold and the British and American soldiers still largely spoke in the same rhotic manner. They were still brothers—albeit bitterly estranged ones who were prepared to kill one another.
Unlike their republican brethren, the British soldiers were proud to fight for their king. They faced harsh penalties for breaking the British military code, but those strict regulations kept them safer and healthier. For example, they were required to put on a clean shirt two or three times a week, and to ensure that their linens were washed.
9
Needless to say, Brooklyn smelled far better than Manhattan on those hot summer nights. Reasonable hygiene, adequate rations, and a natural resistance to smallpox helped keep disease in check and the redcoats prepared for their next attack.
The British discipline was far from perfect, however, and the redcoats also found time to abuse the locals. One British officer described the New York women as “fair nymphs” who were “in wonderful tribulation, as the fresh meat our men have got here has made them as riotous as satyrs.” Rape had become so commonplace, he wrote, that “A girl cannot step into the bushes to pluck a rose without running the most imminent risk of being ravished, and they are so little accustomed to these vigorous methods that they don’t bear them with the proper resignation.”
10
A fiendish British officer made light of the situation, joking that as a result they had “most entertaining courts-martial every day” to try the attackers.
11
One girl complained of being deflowered by a band of British grenadiers.
12
Picked from among the strongest and tallest soldiers, grenadiers had the power to hurl baseball-sized iron spheres far away from their comrades before the burning fuses ignited the gunpowder within. Apparently, some of these elite fighters also used their strength against American women. Rather than condemn the attack on the girl, the British laughed at her testimony that even in the dark she knew that her attackers were grenadiers by their size. In another case, the British troops mocked a woman who was attacked by seven men. They claimed laughingly that her real complaint was “not of their usage” but rather “of their having taken an old prayer book for which she had a particular affection.”
13
Washington and his troops were powerless to stop these atrocities.
In September 1776, one British officer wrote to the chief strategist in London that the war was “pretty near over,” and King George III believed his forces were close to victory.
14
His army sickly and disintegrating, Washington was close to agreeing. At this point, General Howe could pretty much destroy the Continental Army whenever he wished. But he still hoped for a peaceful end to the rebellion and for the colonies’ return to the British Empire. Viewing himself as a sort of peace negotiator, he rejected the “rash” course of “
crushing at once
a frightened, trembling enemy,” and instead “he generously gave them time to recover from their panic . . . .”
15
Washington used this time to formulate a plan. He knew that he had little hope of defending Manhattan Island against the combined power of Britain’s healthy, well-trained, and well-armed army and navy. And so he decided to run—again.

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