Blood of Tyrants: George Washington & the Forging of the Presidency (16 page)

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Authors: Logan Beirne

Tags: #American Revolution, #Founding Fathers, #George Washington, #18th Century

BOOK: Blood of Tyrants: George Washington & the Forging of the Presidency
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George Washington abhorred prisoner abuse. He wanted to elevate his nascent republic’s conduct to a higher moral plane than the brutal European wars of the past. And so, at the start of the war, he ordered that the British prisoners in his custody be treated with humanity. But the brutal realities of war compelled him to deviate from this lofty ideal.
The British fiercely abused their American captives. They beat them. They burned them. They starved them. They butchered them. Washington was forced to act. And so he used his captives. Abuse became a weapon by which Washington could retaliate against the British outrages and help prevent future harm to his people. It was a horrible but practical tool. It was used to obtain better treatment for American prisoners, to suppress Loyalists, and even to save lives. The commander in chief was willing to deploy this necessary evil against the enemy in order to defend the nation.
The world and circumstances certainly have changed. Brute reprisals have largely been replaced by individual punishment for violations of the laws of war. No longer are we using prisoners as leverage to save American captives—we have given up on hopes that terrorists will treat our people with humanity. Instead, we debate whether torture should be a last resort in obtaining information that will save American servicemen and civilians alike. However imperfect the analogy may be—and it certainly is imperfect—it is worth remembering Washington’s precedents as today’s commander in chief grapples with what must be done to defend the American people.
Washington’s actions were rooted in an innate sense of right and wrong in view of his moral obligation to protect his countrymen. This fundamental principle continues to influence our thinking today.
Walking along the well-trod paths of a serene park in East Haddam, Connecticut, one could expect to pass families out for an afternoon of exploring nature. The park is known for its tranquility, as the gentle roar of a waterfall drowns out the noises of the quaint suburbia that surrounds it. The peacefulness that visitors enjoy as they stroll alongside the gushing stream’s gray boulders ensures that thoughts of war and prisoner abuse are the last thing on their minds.
While times and tactics may have changed, history does not. America’s past remains, bubbling just beneath the surface like Mr. Beebe’s millstone.
III
 
DICTATOR OF AMERICA
 
“[T]he Congress having given up the government,
confessing themselves unequal to it, and creating
Mr. Washington dictator of America . . .”
 
—LORD GEORGE GERMAIN, BEFORE THE BRITISH
HOUSE OF COMMONS, 1776
 
 
 
A
t the heart of New York City’s famous Wall Street, a majestic statue of George Washington soars above the bustling foot traffic. From atop a large marble pedestal, the towering bronze sculpture stoically gazes over the crowd towards the New York Stock Exchange. The great hero wears a flowing jacket decorated with large buttons beneath a striking cape. With his right hand extended outward, he steps forward as if to honor the proverbial right foot on which he set the nation.
1
This tribute to the nation’s father stands before the entrance to Federal Hall, which houses a museum commemorating Washington’s role in founding our country. In a nod to the democratic republic’s roots in classical antiquity, the hall boasts Greek revival architecture with marble columns and a relief etching inspired by the Parthenon. Complete with Washington’s Greek-godlike statue in front, the scene appears to have been plucked from the Acropolis and dropped into Manhattan. Although such a grand building would rise over its surroundings in most other parts of the United States, here it is dwarfed by gleaming skyscrapers on all sides. As the fabled New York financial district has grown around it, Federal Hall has remained as a tribute to a long-ago era. The stark contrast between the sleek modern city and the stout old hall presents the appearance of a time warp—one that abruptly pulls passersby back to the nation’s roots.
Washington’s image stands at a symbolic crossroads of America’s affluence and apprehension. Like the republic they honor, Federal Hall and its monument have not been immune from attack. The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 marked a turning point not only for the nation, but also for Federal Hall. The structure was so shaken when the Twin Towers fell that the trauma spread deep cracks in its walls, and many feared they might crumble. As the country has worked to mend its wounds from that infamous day, construction crews have labored to reinforce Federal Hall. But the nation has not just returned to the status quo. The national psyche has been fundamentally altered as we seek to guard against future attacks.
Vowing “never again,” New York City blockaded Wall Street as a precaution against the terrorist threat. This historic street, which has borne the weight of everything from horse-drawn carriages to Model Ts to yellow hybrid taxicabs, is now accessible only on foot. Pedestrians are closely monitored by video surveillance and heavily armed New York police as they mill beneath Washington’s likeness.
The statue’s face glimmers with the reflections of camera flashes. Visitors from all around the world, wearing jeans and T-shirts, come to snap photographs of the area, blocking annoyed financiers, lawyers, and other professionals busily rushing by in their well-tailored dark suits. Whether the members of this motley crew of pedestrians take the time to admire historic Federal Hall and get a picture or just take it for granted as they bound to their next meeting, Washington’s monument stands as a testament to the great man’s critical role in creating the prosperous city and nation around it.
On Wall Street, Washington is celebrated for making America possible. He changed the course of history, and the Americans working in the skyscrapers that surround Federal Hall owe him their gratitude. Even as those buildings shook and the Twin Towers fell, the “Father of Our Country” stood firm as the stoic protector of New York City. Little do the passersby know that Washington once lobbied Congress to burn lower Manhattan to the ground. And he got his wish.
The chapters in Part III delve into how Washington exercised his war powers in relation to the authority of Congress. In so doing, they detail how the concept of the American commander in chief developed in the heat of war.
 
 
13
 
Scorpion on a Leash
 
“H
ad I been left to the dictates of my own judgment,” General Washington confided to a relative, “New York should have been laid in Ashes.”
1
He wrote these words in a moment of frustration. Congress had just overruled his military tactics. While willing to grant him broad authority over enemy prisoners, they were wary of granting any military leader sweeping control over war strategy. Instead, they kept Washington on a short leash early in the war and micromanaged his military decisions. But this leash lengthened as the war raged—and Washington became untethered once America realized that their commander needed to be a powerful one in order to protect the nation.
Washington was not always so trusted. In fact, America watched him with suspicion at the outset of the Revolution. Many feared that he might use his military power to subjugate the politicians and strangle the infant republic in its crib. One such watchdog was a fiery patriot from Massachusetts, John Adams.
At forty years old, Adams was a prominent Boston attorney who had emerged as one of the leaders of the Revolution. His ingenious head was balding on top, with a powdered mane that bushed out on the sides. Highly educated in Enlightenment republican values, he drew upon his vast erudition as his small bow mouth lobbed fierce calls for independence. Accentuating the ardor of his fiery words, his ruddy cheeks grew redder and his blue eyes blazed with his passion for the revolutionary cause.
2
Known to drink a large tankard of hard cider every morning before breakfast, Adams was not a man characterized by unfailing restraint.
3
In his unbounded zeal to oust the British, he was a strong proponent of creating an army and selecting Washington to lead it. This did not mean he had complete faith in Washington, however. “We don’t choose to trust you Generals, with too much Power, for too long Time,” he said.
4
Prevailing republican ideology held that a professional army was a tool of tyranny that was liable to corrupt whoever controlled it. Needless to say, Adams kept a close eye on the United States’ first commander.
With this kind of mistrust permeating the nation, it was unsurprising that Washington’s commission as commander in chief was careful to remind him that he was required to “observe such orders and directions, from time to time, as you shall receive from this, or a future Congress of these United Colonies, or committee of Congress.”
5
Adams and other suspicious congressmen were intent on scrutinizing his war tactics, and with this directive they reserved the right to meddle incessantly. They developed committees to oversee the war effort, even sending (sometimes militarily clueless) congressmen to the warfront so that they might approve or disapprove of Washington’s proposed tactics. While America saw Washington as a virtuous and principled man, they were not ready to hand over the reins completely . . . yet.
Washington was careful to earn America’s trust early in the war. He assured Congress and the state legislatures that he was a reluctant general who had given up “the Enjoyments of domestic Life” in order to restore “Peace, Liberty, and Safety.”
6
Keenly aware of the long history of military leaders helping to overthrow one tyrant only to take his place, Washington knew that Congress feared their commander would turn out to be the fabled scorpion hitching a ride on the frog’s back across the river. And so he tried to convince the political “frogs” that it was not necessarily in a commander in chief’s nature to sting them by usurping their power and trampling the Revolution’s republican ideals.
7
He reminded Americans of his great devotion to liberty as a civilian, and he asked them not to perceive him differently now that he was the commander in chief. “When we assumed the Soldier,” he said, “we did not lay aside the Citizen, & we shall most sincerely rejoice in that happy Hour when the establishment of American Liberty . . . shall enable us to return to our Private Stations in the bosom of a free, peaceful & happy Country.”
8
And his actions reinforced his words.

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