Treason (17 page)

House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence

Capitol Visitor Center

Washington, D.C.

O
f the six million to ten million Muslims living in the United States,” Special Agent Wyatt Parker said after being sworn in before the committee, “fewer than a hundred serve in elected positions in our nation such as mayors and police chiefs of major cities, in state legislators or in Congress. This includes Representative Adeogo.”

“Special Agent Parker, you're not suggesting that the Minnesota congressman is this self-anointed Viper, are you?” Stanton said in a stern voice.

“Oh no, no, sir,” Parker replied, clearly embarrassed. “I was simply providing the committee with a breakdown of Muslims who currently hold a public office.”

“Can you tell us how many Muslims are employed by the federal government?”

“No, Mr. Chairman.”

“Why not?”

“Because we don't know. We don't keep track of how many federal employees are Jewish, Christian, or Muslim. Some private organizations have broken down the religious affiliations of public officials, including members of Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court, but our government does not ask federal employees to reveal if they are religious and, if so, what faith they ascribe to.”

Perspiration shimmered on Parker's bald head despite the windowless room's constant seventy-one-degree temperature. “Even if we did collect such data or attempt to discern employees' religious preferences, we suspect the Viper is keeping his religious affiliation secret. It's unlikely he belongs to a mosque, prays in public, or follows any of the identifiable religious instructions in the Quran that would make him easy to spot.”

Using the television remote, Parker showed photos of Cumar and Fawzia Samatar on the committee room's two screens. “This is the couple who attacked the president, but both of them can be ruled out as being the Viper. Cumar Samatar did hold a federal job—he worked for the CIA as an interpreter—but he and his wife were already dead when the assassination attempt was made on General Grant and the two girls—Jennifer Conner and the congressman's daughter, Cassy Adeogo—were abducted.”

“A few minutes ago, Director Grainger told us this mole is someone high up in our government, much higher than a low-level CIA interpreter. Do you agree?”

“Yes, for three reasons. First, we've found evidence that someone texted Fawzia Samatar while she was hiding in a National Cathedral janitorial closet. The text told her when to light herself on fire and attack the president, and it came from a burner phone that had been purchased by the president's reelection committee. We believe the Viper was one of the invited guests attending Decker Lake's funeral when he or she sent that text to Fawzia on that phone.”

“Are you suggesting this traitor could be on the president's own White House staff?”

“We are not ruling out any possibility.”

“What other evidence have you discovered?”

“The Viper clearly knew the route General Grant was taking when he left the Pentagon for the CIA. Again, this would require someone who was familiar with his schedule.”

“And the third clue?”

“Major Brooke Grant employed a private security company to protect her residence in rural Virginia. She shared the company's security information, such as how many motion detectors were being installed and their locations, with several federal agencies to ensure that this private firm was providing her and Jennifer Conner with the most up-to-date protection. We know that someone was able to elude all of that firm's safeguards and alarms and was about to break into the house to harm Jennifer Conner and Major Grant when the child woke up and screamed. The private security agency insists that this breach did not come from inside its organization, and interviews that we have conducted confirm that. It's likely someone inside our government who was privy to those security schematics leaked them to terrorists.”

“Did the FBI have access to those plans?”

“Yes, we did.”

“Agent Parker, you're cutting a wide swath here—from the White House to the FBI to the Pentagon. That's a lot of ground for one mole to cover. Is it possible there is a second or third traitor rather than one Viper?”

“We believe that is unlikely.”

“Let me repeat what we've heard from you and Director Grainger. The CIA interrogated a source in Africa who claims a mole by the code name ‘Viper' is operating inside our government providing help to the Falcon. You have no direct evidence that this mole exists, but based on circumstantial evidence and speculation, you agree that a mole has penetrated our government and is rather high up in it. This mole could be in the White House, your own agency, or the Pentagon. Does that sum it up?”

“Yes, sir. But that is more speculation than fact at this juncture.”

“Let's move from speculation to what you do know for certain about these attacks, beginning with these two terrorists whose photos are on the monitors.”

“Yes, sir. Both are from Minneapolis,” Parker replied. “Both are Somali Americans. And we believe both were radicalized by a Somali American Imam who was from a Minneapolis mosque before recently moving to the Washington, D.C., area.”

With the click of a remote, a new photo appeared on the television screens that showed a white-bearded, seventy-something Imam. “We consider Mohammad Al-Kader an Islamic radical because he is a strong proponent of Sharia law. The leaders of the Minnesota mosque where he was teaching asked him to leave after our field office in the Twin Cities traced money that he was generating to an international charity, which we believe has operated as a front for terrorist organizations. Cumar and Fawzia Samatar followed Al-Kader here from Minneapolis, and it's possible that Al-Kader may be involved somehow in helping the Viper or the Falcon.”

“If the FBI knows this Imam is a radical, if we know he has raised money for terrorists, if you believe he might be helping the Viper or the Falcon, then why haven't you arrested him?”

“I wish it were that simple. He is an Imam, a religious leader, and he's very smart. The fact that he calls on his followers to donate money to international charities and those charities are later shown to be funding Islamic extremists isn't enough of a nexus for us to prosecute him. We are, however, investigating if we can revoke his citizenship on grounds that he was a close associate of Osama bin Laden.”

“Did I hear you right just now? Did you say he was an associate of Osama bin Laden? Why in the hell is he still walking our streets?”

“Al-Kader's case is difficult and complicated,” Parker answered, becoming even more uncomfortable.

“I believe this committee would like to hear about his case, regardless of how complicated it may be.”

“Perhaps it would be helpful if I explained his personal history. Al-Kader was born in Afghanistan, but came here on a student visa in 1977. Two years later, we recruited him to raise money in the United States to help finance insurgent groups battling Soviet forces in Afghanistan. We decided to send him to Afghanistan in 1984 where he underwent training in an insurgent camp that we were helping fund. Our people were providing technical assistance. From there, he joined Afghan mujahideen fighting the Soviets. That's when he became close with Osama bin Laden.”

“Just so we're perfectly clear on the record here,” Stanton said. “When you say
our
people, can we assume you are talking about either the CIA, the FBI, or both?”

“That's correct.”

“So Al-Kader was recruited by the FBI, sent to Afghanistan by the CIA, trained there by the agency which then sent him to help fight the Soviets. We then asked him to buddy up with Osama bin Laden.”

“That would be a fair interpretation of the facts. In 1989, when the Soviets retreated, Al-Kader applied for political asylum. You might remember that different factions were fighting among themselves for control of Afghanistan, and Al-Kader was on the outs with several of these groups because of his conservative religious beliefs. He wanted to become a U.S. citizen and because he had helped us, we green-lighted his application.”

“His reward was American citizenship?”

“Yes, sir, in a manner of speaking.”

“Was anyone aware that he was a radical Islamist?”

“Nearly everyone we recruited was, Mr. Chairman. We didn't hear much about him after that. He ended up in a mosque in Minneapolis and no one paid attention to what he was doing or saying until the Taliban seized control of Afghanistan in 1996. That's when we first began hearing reports that he was raising money for them.”

“So this radical Imam is now working against us even though he is a U.S. citizen?”

“I suspect Al-Kader sees himself first as a devout Muslim, not a U.S. citizen, and he would argue that he never changed sides. He's always been fighting against anyone who opposes his rigid interpretation of Islam—whether it's the Soviets or us. We've put him on a no-fly list but, if I may speak candidly, Al-Kader has lawyered up. He's using his constitutional rights as a U.S. citizen to continue teaching his radical doctrine and his calls for the creation of a Sharia caliphate.”

“You said Cumar and Fawzia Samatar followed him into our area. Had they popped up on your radar?”

“No, I'm afraid they hadn't. I'm afraid we are limited in our investigative abilities.”

“What exactly does that mean? You knew this Imam was a radical. You knew he came here. I assume you know what mosque he's settled into. Aren't you monitoring him and identifying his followers?”

“Mr. Chairman, I'm certain you are aware that after the 9/11 attacks, then FBI director Robert Mueller instructed our field offices to ‘count the mosques.' The bureau began infiltrating mosques and pinpointing which Imams support radical terrorism. This effort required us to relax our rules so we could proceed without first establishing probable cause. Our investigations enabled us to compile a fairly complete database—a ‘Who's Who' of radical Imams and potential homegrown terrorists. But in 2008, the media, the American Civil Liberties Union and the Organization of Islamic Nations—the OIN—learned about what we were doing and immediately objected to our ‘mosque outreach' program. This led to a series of highly publicized complaints and lawsuits, accusing us of violating the federal Privacy Act and the First Amendment rights of Muslim religious leaders and their congregants. Consequently, we were forced to dial back our intelligence gathering efforts and return to a pre-9/11 standard. We now engage in surveillance only after we have established clear probable cause that criminal wrongdoing is happening.”

“In other words, the FBI has to wait until someone such as the Samatars commit a terrorist act before you can open a file on them.”

“We must have probable cause, and that is difficult to obtain if we don't have access to a mosque, and we can't infiltrate the mosque under our new rules.”

“Agent Parker, have you ever heard of the Aryan Brotherhood?”

“Yes, of course, Mr. Chairman,” Parker replied. “It's a vicious prison gang.”

“Isn't it true that the bureau routinely monitors and attempts to infiltrate that vicious gang with snitches to compile data about its members?”

“Yes, but I think you are comparing apples and oranges. The Aryan Brotherhood is a known criminal enterprise, a prison gang with tentacles out into the streets. It is not a religious group whose members might or might not be involved in radical causes.”

“Apples and oranges? How do you know the Aryan Brotherhood is a criminal gang?”

“Because of its members' actions.”

“Do you have to wait until one of them breaks the law to create a file on them?”

“No, sir.”

“You have probable cause simply because of the group's past actions, is that what you're saying?” Stanton asked. Without waiting for an answer, he continued. “So explain to me how I am comparing apples and oranges? You can infiltrate an organization on the premise that its past criminal actions are prima facie evidence. But you can't infiltrate the mosque where Al-Kadar is an Imam even though you know he is preaching extremist views and generating funds for terrorists? Even now when you know two of his followers attempted to assassinate a sitting United States president?”

“As you know, Congressman, our Supreme Court is very protective of free speech and of freedom of religion. Al-Kadar understands this and uses our Constitution to his advantage. Inside his mosque, he is virtually untouchable.”

“Okay, let's talk about the Samatars, these would-be assassins. Cumar Samatar, who threw himself against the presidential limousine, was employed as an interpreter at the CIA, wasn't he? How did he get hired?”

“Potential federal employees are not asked to disclose their personal religious beliefs or what mosque they might attend.”

“You can't ask a potential employee if he is a Muslim?”

“The government can't discriminate based on an individual's religious or political beliefs.”