20. Piracy and Rum
‘I pity them greatly’: H.S. Milford, ed., | |
‘great Ravages upon the Merchant Ships’: Atkins, | |
‘which kept us Plying’: ibid., 191. | |
‘when in drink, to utter some Portuguese or Moorish words’: | |
island governors complained endlessly about the dangers of the sea routes and of the daily increase of ‘pyrates’: | |
spared execution on the grounds they were ‘quick with child’: | |
a spectacular career that lasted less than three years: Breverton, | |
whose favourite tactic was to maroon the crews of the ships he attacked on deserted islands to die of hunger or thirst: Thomas, | |
‘The Pyrates, tho’ singly Fellows of Courage’: Atkins, | |
‘the pyrates in this Passage were very troublesome to us’: ibid., 263. | |
‘great plenty of trading Goods, and, what more attracted the Eye, a large quantity of Gold Dust’: ibid., 193. | |
‘true Republicans in Disposition … daily increase’: ibid., 243–5. | |
‘prodigious lightnings and thunder … a contagious distemper, fatal for some months through the island’: ibid., 238–41. | |
losing a sixth of its inhabitants to a fever epidemic in 1725: Sheridan, | |
‘too Cold in this place’, he wrote to John Dickinson from Newport in January 1714: Redwood Archive, Redwood Library, Newport. | |
New England came to dominate the supply of provisions, horses and lumber to its key market – the West Indian sugar colonies: James, | |
‘I have bought you a negro Girle of about nine or ten years of age …’: Byam to Redwood, 15 March 1727, LNHA. | |
‘I would have sent ye girle you desired but …’ Byam to Redwood, 20 July 1728, LNHA. | |
‘supplied by the offspring of those they have already, which increase daily’: James, | |
by 1732 the population of South Carolina was 14,000 whites and 32,000 blacks: Thomas, | |
to ‘debauch them’: Sheridan, | |
much preferred to its rivals, West Indian rum, English spirits or French brandy: Jones, ‘Rhode Island Slave Trade’, 229. | |
Adult male slaves could be bought for as little as 80 gallons: ibid., 234. | |
20 vessels from Newport alone making the voyage every year, carrying about 1,800 hogsheads of rum. Hedges, | |
‘live like Lords, and ride in a Coach and Six’: Sheridan, | |
‘Molasses was an essential ingredient in American Independence’: Adams, | |
contrary to their rights as ‘ye King’s natural born subjects’: | |
A slaver owned by the Malbones of Newport: Peterson, | |
quickly sent messages to their captains: James Brown letter book in Rhode Island Historical Society, Providence, Box 1, Folder 2, | |
which they then spent in the Dutch enclave of St Eustatius or on molasses from the French islands: correspondent to the | |
‘35 pare of handcoofs’: Rappleye, | |
‘the father of slaving at Bristol, Rhode Island’: Thomas, | |
‘I fear he will hardly be able to endure such coarse dyet & hard labour as our slaves are put to in this place’: Edward Byam to Redwood, 20 July 1728, LNHA. | |
‘promised a great amendment’: William Hillhouse to Redwood, 4 April 1729, LNHA. | |
by the 1720s had a white population of about 5,000 (with some 18,000 black slaves): Sheridan, ‘Rise of a Colonial Gentry’, 343; | |
‘look into his affairs’: Jonas Langford 14 March 1728, LNHA. | |
‘our Island is very sickly’ ‘especially to strangers’: Byam to Redwood, 17 March 1730, LNHA. | |
‘all the merchants refused to advance anything for the West India correspondents’: Ford, | |
‘of Mr French, Barbados, valued at seventy pounds’: Tomlinson to Redwood, 30 June 1735, LNHA. | |
‘Your spouse was very unwilling they should be sent’: Cheeseborough to Redwood, 27 February 1738, quoted in Donnan, | |
‘an Unlucky Changeable Beast’: ibid. | |
‘thy wife has beene very much out of order’: Coggeshall to Redwood, 3 February 1739, LNHA. | |
‘You have raised our Expectations of Seeing you’: Cheeseborough to Redwood, 6 February 1739, LNHA. | |
‘your cousin I think was never drunker in his life’: Tomlinson to Redwood, 26 April 1739, LNHA. | |
‘in the Old Condition, Carted up to your Estate, the rest ordinary enough’: Tomlinson to Redwood, 1740 (n.d. fragment), LNHA. | |
‘I am heartilly sorry Pope has againe made you so bad a voyage too and from the Coast of Guinea’: Gunthorpe to Redwood, 22 July 1740, LNHA. | |
‘nineteen slaves unsold’: Pope to Redwood, 24 May 1740, LNHA. | |
‘the people hear in General is very Backward in paying there debts’: Pope to Redwood, 23 June 1740, LNHA. | |
buying his slaves in Antigua or in Rhode Island: Donnan, | |
the business would be reactivated, under the management of his sons. ibid., 2:152. |
21. The Maroon War in Jamaica and the War of Jenkins’s Ear
‘That the Negros here use Naturall (or Diabolical) Magick no planter in Barbados doubts’: Walduck, ‘T. Walduck’s Letters from Barbados’, 148. | |
‘well planted with provisions’: | |
‘rebellious negroes … have been so bold to come down armed and attack our out settlements to Windward’: ibid. | |
Beckford had sent out four parties, one of which, consisting of only 20 men: Craton, | |
‘the negroes faced our men so long as they had any ammunition left’ | |
another got lost in the swamps and a quarter of the men drowned or died of fever: PRO CO 137/18; CO 137/19. | |
‘pretty healthy and might be kept so were it not for rumm’: | |
‘wofull state, some companys having lost more than half their compliment chiefly owing to drunkenness’: ibid., no. 415. | |
a stalemate, exhausting for both sides: | |
‘The service here is not like that in Flanders or any part of Europe’: Craton, | |
‘possessed few of the external graces as far as expression and manner were concerned’: Redding, | |
he fell in love with an unsuitable girl: ibid., 1:17. | |
a ‘strange and contradictory character’: Hackman, ‘William Beckford: The Jamaican Connection’, 24. | |
‘a common soldier’ in the island’s militia: Taylor and Pringle, | |
seizing a large number of English vessels, including legitimate traders: Long, | |
almost all the ‘sugar names’ – Frye, Tomlinson, Warner and others: 13 October 1737, | |
‘Villainy is inherent to this climate’: Laughton, ‘Jenkins’ Ear’, 742. | |
‘At present we have nothing but Rumours of War’: Wilks to Redwood, 13 October 1739, LNHA. | |
‘Universal dejection prevailed’: Smollett, | |
during the fighting in Europe at the same time, the British army lost just 8 per cent of its strength to fighting and disease: | |
in the West Indies, ‘whatever is attempted in that climate must be done | |
‘damage and disgrace’: Smollett, | |
‘We flow in Money’: | |
‘the People of this Island were intent on nothing so much as encouraging Privateers’: Leslie, | |
‘But I was surprised to find that no matters of philosophy were brought upon the carpet’: Chapin, | |
Colonel Peter Beckford … had complained about ships from ‘our Northern Plantations’ supplying the Spanish: | |
This money was then taken to St Eustatius or the French islands, where it was used to purchase cheaper sugar or molasses: | |
he had seen 16 or 17 vessels from the North American colonies brazenly loading and unloading at St Eustatius: Burns, | |
‘one or two men-of-war stationed at Rhode Island would be sufficient’: | |
‘laden with provisions and Naval Stores, who bring back French Rum and Molasses’: Knowles to Newcastle, 20 November 1747, BL Add. MS 32713, fol. 472. | |
‘he should certainly have taken Martinique’: Beer, | |
‘the prosperity of the French Islands and the ruin of our own’: | |
‘building Batteries & throwing up entrenchments’: Tomlinson to Redwood, 12 June 1744, LNHA. | |
‘We are now in the utmost distress for want of provisions & Lumber of all sorts’ Tomlinson to Redwood, 24 May 1746, LNHA. | |
‘one of the finest gardens I ever saw in my life’: | |
hundreds of pounds’ worth of books, paid for from the proceeds of his Antigua sugar: Redwood letter, 11 February 1748, LNHA. | |
‘almost every thing’ was brought ‘in the lumber vessels from America’: Thompson, |