The Patriot (52 page)

"Eh . . . ? What do you mean, Captain MacGregor?"

"You have fought against standing armies, have you not? Support only militias, like my own Highland Watch? Well, then - there is danger again."

"Why do you say that? How could that be? There is only the Royal Horse Guards as regular troops in Scotland now - the High Commissioner's guard."

"It is
English
troops which will be the danger, whatever. I hear that the Earl of Stair, a curse on him, has written to Queen Anne, and the man Marlborough, advising that they send an English army into Scotland to suspend parliamentary government and impose military rule. Because of the danger of what they are after calling secession, of a Jacobite rising, and of this union being voted out by the Estates."

"Good God! Stair, again! Is this true, man?"

"Those who sent me believe it so."

"But - this is almost beyond belief! I would be interested to know just who these
are
who sent you, Captain?"

"Och, just some gentlemen who have Scotland's welfare at heart, sir."

"Your friends, the Campbells? Not your cousin Breadalbane, I'll be bound!"

But the MacGregor was not to be drawn on this subject, however informative on others. When, presently, he departed as courteously amiable as when he came, he left the Laird of Saltoun a very thoughtful man indeed.

*
*
*

When the Estates met, on 28th June, 1705, the excitement in Edinburgh seemed to throb in the streets as it did in Parliament Hall. Known supporters of union were booed and spat upon on their way to the assembly, opponents cheered. There was no doubt as to the feelings of the populace, at any rate -although known Jacobites and Catholics were also jeered. The divide-and-rule philosophy always worked well in Scotland.

In the hall itself tension was at a high pitch. Talk of bribery and coercion, the English Alien Act, threats from London, the fall of Atholl - who did not appear - and Jacobite alarms, reverberated. Lords and commissioners eyed each other with more suspicion than anyone could remember previously.

There were ample other matters to exclaim over. For one thing, there was a new High Commissioner sent up in place of Queensberry - the young Duke of Argyll, the new MacCailean Mor, a professional soldier and lieutenant of Marlborough's in the Continental wars, no doubt sent by the Queen on that favourite's advice. It was extraordinary for so young a man, not yet twenty-five years, to be appointed to represent the crown; and men saw it as an indication that the sessions were to be ruled military-style. Seafield was still Chancellor, Queensberry being given the Privy Seal and Cromartie Lord Justice General, whilst Loudoun was Secretary of State. In other words, a solidly pro-union administration, with Atholl out. That Stair was not in it was the only surprise - but no doubt he remained a power behind all.

Argyll's speech from the throne was the briefest in living memory, delivered in staccato style like orders in the field. He was a red-haired, high-coloured young man with hot pale-blue eyes, very different from the last three chiefs of Clan Campbell who had all had a dark and foxy look. He announced baldly that the business before them was to deal with the succession to the crown again, since the Queen was dissatisfied with the previously-passed Act of Security; to consider terms for a Treaty of Union; and to find ways to aid the poverty-stricken state of the nation - although the said union would much assist in that. The Chancellor to proceed.

Queensberry and Loudoun had not yet arrived from London, and Seafield was fairly evidently reluctant to start on the major controversies without these union stalwarts. So he elected to take the poverty issue first, to Argyll's frowns, and announced consideration of two schemes for improving the financial stat^ of the nation, by printing paper money, in the wake of the Darien disaster - one by Law of Lauriston, a Scot

E

resently making his name in the councils of France, the other y an English banker named Chamberlain. Recognising the Chancellor's anxiety to delay the union and succession themes, and the High Commissioner's impatience, Andrew at once jumped up to try to dispose of this time-wasting device. He declared that Law's scheme was no more than a contribution to enslave the nation, and that Chamberlain's was not worth considering. To get rid of the entire subject he proposed that the two financiers should be asked to appear before the Estates at some future date, to put their projects in person; meantime to pass on to more pressing and important matters. Although clearly this pleased the vast majority present, and even Argyll nodded, oddly enough it was not Seafield but Roxburghe who protested. He hotly announced that Mr. Law's scheme deserved better treatment than this, and that it was unmannerly to bring him before them all to defend it. He for one had better manners, and moved debate.

Surprised, Andrew considered. Why was Roxburghe seeking delay - he who was no financial expert? Was he also in favour of awaiting the arrival of Queensberry and Loudoun -which would indicate a pro-union stance indeed? And was he likely to be backed by the rest of his Squadrone Volante? If so, their votes and prestige could get this thing through, and the session get off to an exceedingly ominous start. Swiftly he made up his mind, and chose dramatics. Deliberately he adopted a truculent attitude. Did the previous speaker accuse him of unmannerly conduct, he demanded - judiciously allowing his reputation for hot temper free rein for once?

The haughty Roxburghe had his own temper - and, as far as Andrew was concerned, probably a bad conscience. If the cap fitted, Mr. Fletcher could wear it, he returned.

There was uproar in the hall. This was as good as a challenge-of-honour. Andrew quite intentionally took it that way. He challenged the Earl or Roxburghe to a duel forthwith.

Wild scenes for and against erupted, the tension in the entire assembly thus abruptly if deliberately released. No amount of gavel-banging quietened it all. Furious, redder-faced than ever, Argyll rose from the throne, ordered an adjournment of the House, commanded the two disputants to be confined, and stalked out.

Andrew had at least spoked that wheel. And if knew the populace outside he would have crowds responding in huge enthusiasm to the dramatic situation. It might be a strange method of aiding the democratic processes, but it could be effective against the forces they were up against.

Although in theory under arrest, he found no difficulty in gaining the open High Street, in a knot of vociferous well-wishers who communicated the news to the crowd. Perceiving that Lord Charles Kerr, second son of the Marquis of Lothian and a far-out kinsman of Roxburghe, was one of these, he sent him off to deliver to the Earl his challenge to meet him that evening at six on Leith Links, to settle this affair-of-honour like gentlemen. He scarcely expected Roxburghe to appear -but that would only assist the effect on public opinion, if as he believed, the Earl could be nailed as a pro-union convert.

It did not quite work out that way, for Roxburghe duly turned up, with young Baillie of Jerviswood as his second -who tried hard to induce both principals to call it all off. He explained to Andrew that the Earl had a weakness in his right leg, which would put him at a disadvantage in sword-play -whereupon Andrew produced a pair of matching pistols, for Roxburghe to take his choice. It was at this stage that a troop of the High Commissioner's Horse Guards appeared upon the scene, to arrest both contestants, who managed to fire their pistols in the air and shake hands before being escorted back to their lodgings in Edinburgh.

It was all distinctly childish and artificial, but none the less effective in that it aroused passions, helped to unify anti-union opinion, upset the plans of the administration and made the Squadrone Volante suspect - however unfairly. Andrew was cheered whenever he appeared in the streets.

So when the session was resumed two days later there was a different atmosphere, tension still present but attitudes hardened, the authorities less confident. The Duke of Hamilton, who probably resented having so often to play second fiddle to a mere laird like Fletcher, led off by rising quickly when the Chancellor intimated that they would discuss the matter of the succession first and then the terms for a Treaty of Union. He asserted that this was unnecessary. They had in the previous Parliament already decided on this matter and passed the Act of Security. There was no point in doing so once more. He moved that they get on with and dispose of this talk of union, straight away. Besides, the one would encompass the other. He had no lack of seconders. Stair moved the reverse and got in some biting remarks anent irresponsibles, trouble-makers, rabble-rousers even republicans, staring pointedly at Andrew. But when Marchmont added his voice to Hamilton's motion, indicating that the Squadrone would vote that way, the thing was settled. It was passed by a large majority that they should deal with the union forthwith.

So at last the decks were cleared. Queensberry was still missing but Loudoun had arrived. Seafield led off. He declared that union was sensible and inevitable, indeed necessary, in these islands, for four good and sufficient reasons - the security of the Protestant religion, England being staunchly of that faith with little Catholic Jacobite sympathies; the great and vital advantages of free trade; the securing of their essential freedoms, as proudly held by all Englishmen; and the absence of any other means of settled and permanent peace between the two nations. He urged the assembly to pass an Act for appointing commissioners to treat for union.

Andrew held back to allow Hamilton to lead the rejection; but that man sat still, talking low-voiced with his neighbour on the ducal benches - none other than Atholl, who had just arrived, creating a major stir. All eyes on him, Andrew launched out on what he recognised might well be the most important speech of his career, to date. Vehement but eloquent, he based his opposition on the hated English Alien Act which so insulted the Scots. How could they, he demanded, as free and honourable men, contemplate union with a nation
whose Parliament had passed, so recently, so imperious and hostile a measure, which not only affronted and threatened their ancient kingdom but gave them an ultimatum to favour an incorporating union by Christmastide or be considered to be in a state of war? English guns and swords were to be the persuaders of this unnatural and shameful union - which indeed would be no marriage of equals but an abduction and rape! Carlisle, Newcastle, even their own Berwick-on-Tweed were to be garrisoned against them and an English army moved up to the Border. Well, in the past, they had had English armies attempting to cross their Borders - and they had sent them back whence they had come bloody-nosed! They would do so again .
..

For a while he could not continue, for the deafening cheering and stamping. Argyll was glaring and the ministers sitting looking uneasy.

When he could resume, Andrew struck still harder. If any thought that this of armed intervention was a mere threat and no more, let them take note that he had heard it from, so far as he could tell, a reliable source that certain Scots of the
f
g
overnment persuasion - one of whom was sitting there on the
l
ords' benches - had written urging Queen Anne and her London ministers to send up an English army
into
Scotland, not just to the Border, to suspend the rule of Parliament and impose English military rule in its place. If this was not the case, let the said lord stand up and deny it!

Pandemonium broke out.
Neither
Stair nor any other rose from their seats.

In these circumstances, Andrew concluded, there was no need for any detailed and reasoned debate of the principle of union or terms therefore. He moved that Parliament promptly rejected the Chancellor's proposals, at least until such time as the English might
put
such forward in a more neighbourly and friendly manner.

He sat down to resounding applause - and
hasty
conferring amongst ministers and their close associates. The Duke of Hamilton rose to second. A new voice was raised on the government side, David Boyle, first Earl of Glasgow, a clever lawyer and said to be
Queensberry's adviser, recently promoted to the peerage. He said, silkily, that before they voted, it would be advisable to hear what Mr. Fletcher would substitute for union. On a previous occasion he had put forward twelve limitations on the crown to be embodied in the unfortunate Act of Security which so offended Her Grace. If there was to be no union, what then? The House was entitled, to know what limitations the opposition still required.

Recognising a delaying tactic, Andrew pointed out that his limitations referred to the succession to the crown, on the Queen's death, not to the union of the Parliaments. Hamilton agreed and said there was no need to discuss that now.

But Glasgow, supported by ministers, insisted; and the Chancellor ruled that the House was entitled to. hear and decide whether or no these limitations or objections were relevant to the union vote, as the Earl claimed.

So, effectively baulked and seething with anger, Andrew had to spend the rest of that day going over and defending his twelve limitations on the crown, detail by detail, whilst the House grew bored and all the fine fervour dissipated. By a process of niggling question and amalgamation, the dozen clauses were eventually reduced to four, and even these were watered down. The holding of annual parliaments was reduced to tri-annual; officers of state were to be appointed by the Estates, not the crown; Scotland was to have its own ambassadors to foreign powers; and holders of treasury-paid offices should not be eligible for Parliament.