The Campaigns of Alexander (Classics) (45 page)

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53
. Diodorus (17.46.4) gives the number of captives as 13,000, but he mentions also that 2,000 men were crucified and Curtius (4.4.15) adds (improbably) that 15,000 were smuggled to safety by the Sidonians who took part in the final assault. Is it coincidence that these figures total 30,000?

 

54
. Diodorus (17.39.1) and Curtius (4.11.1) relate (probably incorrectly) that Darius sent envoys with similar terms shortly before the battle of Gaugamela. For the complicated story of the embassies see C. B. Welles in the Loeb edition of Diodorus (loc. cit.).

 

55
. Plutarch (
Alexander
25.4) relates that the bird was subsequently entangled in the cords of a torsion catapult and caught, Curtius (4.6.11) that it stuck fast on a tower smeared with bitumen and sulphur. Hence, presumably, Aristander’s prediction that Alexander would capture the city.

 

56
. Curtius tells how Alexander avoided an attempt at assassination by an Arab shortly before he was wounded.

 

57
. A probable emendation of the manuscript reading ‘250 feet’.

 

58
. We need not credit the story (Curtius 4.6.29) that Alexander had Batis, while still alive, dragged round the walls by his ankles at the rear of his chariot as Achilles had dragged Hector’s corpse round the walls of Troy (Homer,
Iliad
, 22.395ff.)

 

The siege lasted two months (September/October 332), and cost the defenders 10,000 men.

 

1
. The previous governor, Sabaces, was killed at Issus. According to Curtius (4.7.4) Mazaces handed over the treasure amounting to 800 talents.

 

2
. A very strong border fortress, the key to Egypt, where the Egyptians several times met invading armies.

 

3
. Apis was the calf of Memphis, sacred to the god Ptah. Alexander treated the religion of the Egyptians (and other conquered peoples) with respect, and was enthroned as Pharaoh at Thebes. By contrast Cambyses had actually stabbed the Apis (Herodotus 3.27–8).

 

4
. This is the first, and greatest, of Alexander’s many foundations, designed (unlike the majority) to be a great centre of trade. Plutarch (
Alexander
26.4) agrees with Arrian that its foundation preceded Alexander’s visit to Siwah, but another tradition (represented by Curtius, Diodorus, and Justin) places it after the visit. For arguments in favour of this latter view see C. B. Welles,
Historia
11 (1962), 271ff.

 

5
. See p. 103 above.

 

6
. The Athenian general, whose surrender was requested but not enforced in 335; last mentioned in the following spring when he presented Alexander with a golden crown at Sigeium. See pp. 63, 67.

 

7
. Although an edict of Alexander to the Chians (Tod 192) about a year earlier had provided that traitors should be tried by the Council of the League of Corinth.

 

8
. The shrine of Ammon, a god known to the Greeks for over a century and equated by them with Zeus, was situated in the oasis of Siwah some 400 miles west of Thebes. The visit is described by Diodorus 17.49–51, Curtius 4.7.5–30, Plutarch
Alexander
26–27, and Strabo 17.1.43 (based on Callisthenes).

 

9
. The author of the sceptical remark (given by Curtius also) would appear to be Ptolemy, out of sympathy with Alexander’s belief in his divine sonship. On being enthroned Pharaoh at Thebes, Alexander, like every Pharaoh, automatically became son of Ammon.

 

Pseudo-Callisthenes (1.30) says that Alexander wished to gain Ammon’s approval before founding Alexandria; see Welles’ article (p. 149, n.4).

 

10
. Mersa Matruh. He was met there by envoys from Cyrene with whom he concluded peace and alliance (Diodorus 17.49.2).

 

11
. For a description of the oasis of Siwah and the temple of Ammon see Diodorus 17.50, Curtius 4.7.16ff., and especially H. W. Parke,
The Oracles of Zeus
(Oxford, 1967) 196ff.

 

12
. Arrian presumably means the Ptolemies, indicating perhaps a Hellenistic source.

 

13
. The ‘finger’ was the smallest unit of measurement, about seven-tenths of an inch in length.

 

14
. It appears likely that the chief priest greeted Alexander (as Pharaoh) as ‘son of Ammon’ (or ‘son of Zeus’) and that the king then entered the temple alone. If so, the prophecies made by Ammon regarding his divine descent and his future world rule, given in Plutarch, Diodorus and Curtius, must be regarded as suspect, unless we suppose that the priests or Alexander himself subsequently revealed them.

 

Callisthenes evidently wrote up Alexander’s divine origin (see e.g. Plutarch
Alexander
33.1), doubtless with his approval. Plutarch (
Alexander
28) and Arrian (7.29) regard this as apolitical manoeuvre, to overawe the confused peoples, but while there is no doubt something in this view it seems probable that Alexander believed that he was in some way son of Ammon.

 

15
. Naucratis was a Milesian foundation and remained a Greek city. For Alexander’s letter to Cleomenes see p. 389.

 

16
. The first news of Agis’ revolt (p. 125, n.34).

 

17
. Philoxenus’ task probably included the collection of the ‘contributions’ of the Greek cities of Asia Minor so long as these continued to be levied. Later he possessed (or assumed) power to intervene in these cities. His title and functions are discussed most recently by Badian in
Ehrenberg Studies,
55ff. Whether he is identical with the Philoxenus mentioned on p. 387 is uncertain.

 

18
. Unlike Philip’s other marriages, this marriage with a highborn Macedonian lady in 337 threatened the position of Olympias and Alexander and a disgraceful scene at the wedding led to their flight from Macedonia. It was Alexander’s attempt, after his return from Illyria later in the year, to ally himself with Pixodarus, the ruler of Caria, which led to the banishment of his friends. See chapters 9 and 10 of Plutarch’s
Alexander
.

 

19
. The uncle (and brother-in-law) of Alexander the Great. He aided the Tarentines against the Lucanians and Bruttians, but was defeated and killed in 331/0.

 

20
. Superseding Asander, the brother of Parmenio, despite Asander’s part in the defeat of Orontobates (p. 109); see E. Badian,
Transactions of the American Philological Association
91 (1960) 329.

 

21
. 331
B.C.
For the events of the next few months see E. W. Marsden,
The Campaign of Gaugamela
(Liverpool, 1964).

 

22
. See p. 172n. 34.

 

23
. Only Curtius (4.12.13) offers a reasonable figure, 200,000, for the Persian infantry but although some scholars accept this, there is no evidence that it rests on any reliable authority. His figure for cavalry is 45,000. Marsden (pp. 31–7) calculates about 34,000.

 

24
. The Khazir, a tributary of the R. Lycus (Great Zab).

 

The battle appears to have taken place near Tell Gomel,
north
of the Persian royal road from Nineveh to Arbela (Erbil); see Marsden, p. 20.

 

25
. Apart from the dangers involved in a night attack (see Thucydides 7.43–4; Xenophon
Anabasis
3.4.35), Alexander knew the propaganda value of defeating the Persian army on even terms. Darius could claim, that at Issus he had suffered from lack of room (p. 161); on this occasion Alexander did not intend that he should have any excuse.

 

26
. This does not suggest that the
numbers
of the Persian forces became known.

 

27
. They had been forcibly removed to Central Asia.

 

28
. They had proved equally ineffective at Cunaxa (Xenophon
Anabasis
1.8.19–20).

 

29
. As it is inconceivable that a messenger could have caught Alexander if he were in hot pursuit of Darius, the question arises ‘Where was Alexander?’ G. T. Griffith,
JHS
1947, 87, suggests that he had wheeled right to help his hard-pressed right wing, Marsden, 58ff., that he was already moving left to encircle the Persian centre and right wing.

 

30
. These Indians and Persians are distinct from ‘some of the Indian and Persian cavalry’ mentioned in the previous paragraph. The latter were a small body and could not possibly have plundered the Macedonian camp, some five miles away, and returned to meet Alexander in the time available.

 

31
. The first occasion was at Issus (p. 120).

 

32
. Surely an underestimate. Curtius (4.16.26) gives 300, Diodorus (17.61.3), 500, with ‘very many wounded’.

 

33
. Diodorus (90,000) and Curtius (40,000) are more reasonable.

 

34
. The eclipse (p. 159) occurred on the night of September 20/21 and the battle was fought on October 1, i.e. on the 26th day of the Attic month Boedromion. (Plutarch
Alexander
31.4;
Camillus
19.5).

 

35
. Alexander considered that the occupation of Babylon and Susa was more important politically than the pursuit of a defeated army over difficult country.

 

36
. The temple of Bel (Marduk) had not been rebuilt by the time that Alexander re-ehtered Babylon in 323 (p. 377).

 

37
. Mazaeus was the first Oriental to be appointed governor. Was this a reward for the part he had played at Gaugamela (see Tarn (
Alexander
2.109), citing Curtius 5.1. 18), or for surrendering Babylon?

 

38
. By ‘Chaldaeans’ Arrian means the priests of Marduk.

 

39
. Arrian says later (p. 381) that these statues were sent back to Athens in 323. For Harmodius and Aristogeiton see p. 218, n. 25.

 

40
. Demeter and Persephone.

 

41
. Arrian is misleading. Abulites was the governor who sent his son, Oxathres, to Alexander. He was
retained
in his post.

 

42
. The Greek word translated ‘governor’ is ‘Hyparchos’, a utility word which can denote a variety of positions; see Tarn,
Alexander
2.173 n. 1. ‘Menes was… a general in charge of a very important sector of communications’ (Tarn, op. cit., 2.177).

 

43
. Almost 15,000 in all, including 6,000 Macedonian infantry and 500 Macedonian cavalry. For details see Diodorus 17.65.1, Curtius 5.1.40–2.

 

44
. Fuller (p. 227) compares the toll sometimes paid by the British to the tribesmen on the north-west frontier of India.

 

45
. Alexander’s object was to prevent Ariobarzanes from removing the enormous treasure from Persepolis.

 

46
. This amounted, according to Diodorus (17.71) and Curtius (5.6.9), to 120,000 talents, according to Plutarch (
Alexander
37) and Strabo (15.3.9), to 40,000 talents.

 

47
. Pasargadae was the old capital of Persia, founded by Cyrus. 6,000 talents were captured there.

 

48
. This is the official version, connected with the ostensible Pan-Hellenic character of the expedition. Plutarch (
Alexander
38), Diodorus (17.72), and Curtius (5.7) say the burning of the palace was the result of a suggestion made at a drinking party by the Athenian courtesan Thais. According to Curtius’ precise chronology it took place in mid May near the end of Alexander’s four months’ stay at Persepolis. For the ruins of Persepolis see the excellent illustrations in Sir Mortimer Wheeler’s
Flames over Persepolis
, or in Jean-Louis Huot’s
Persia
(London, 1965) in the series
Archaeologia Mundi
.

 

49
. Ecbatana is the modern Hamadan. The Caspian Gates, the principal pass through the Elburz mountains from Media into Hyrcania and Parthia, are about 40 miles east of Teheran.

 

50
. He now considered the League war at an end.

 

51
. The treasure assembled at Ecbatana is said to have amounted to 180,000 talents (Diodorus 17.80; Strabo 15.3.9.)

 

52
. Parmenio remained in Ecbatana until his death. His orders were presumably countermanded. The 6,000 Macedonian infantry appear to have rejoined Alexander at Susia in Aria (p. 189).

 

53
. Rhagae (Rei) is situated 5 miles south-east of Teheran, no less than 44 miles from the Caspian Gates.

 

54
. Darius was murdered near Damghan or Shahrud. Alexander had covered either 210 or 250 miles from the Caspian Gates in just over a week in mid-summer over country that was largely desert.

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