Read Taste of War: World War II and the Battle for Food Online
Authors: Lizzie Collingham
Tags: #History, #Modern, #20th Century, #Military, #World War II
The desperation of the Japanese government can be measured by the misery they were prepared to inflict on the young. Tanaka Tetsuko, who had been helping the peasants in the fields, was sent to a factory where they manufactured one of the most ineffective weapons of the war. These were papier mâché balloons designed to carry anti-personnel bombs. The idea was to fill them with hydrogen and then release them into the jet stream over the Pacific. The Japanese hoped they would float over to the west coast of America and cause havoc. They are known to have caused only one set of fatalities, among a family picnicking on the American west coast.
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Tanaka and her classmates worked twelve-hour shifts without a break. In the factory ‘the floor was muddy with the extra paste that always streamed off the drying boards. From above, steam condensed into water droplets fell on us. Each person was in charge of two drying boards. The paper dried very quickly, so you shuttled back and forth between them like a crab. If it got too dry it would crack and fail the quality test. That was unforgivable, so we ran barefoot across the pasty
floor.’
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After their shift they had a meal of rice mixed with black, foul-smelling sweet potatoes, had a bath and went to bed shivering under one blanket. Sunday was their day off and they slept all day ‘like corpses’.
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They were all so hungry that when they were sent food by their families they could not bring themselves to share. ‘Girls would put their heads into the closet and start eating. You just stopped caring about other people.’
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Some of the girls thought the small white pills they were given were nourishment pills but in fact they were probably amphetamines, designed to keep pilots awake.
On Christmas Day 1944 Kiyosawa observed that the dominant wartime topic was no longer food or farming but bombs and incendiaries. The American aerial bombing campaign now dominated urban life. Two days later he wrote of the enemy coming ‘in rows of silvery wings’ and in February 1945 he noticed that the B-29s had been joined by carrier-based planes, which he took as a sign that the ‘navy has been completely destroyed’.
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Tokyo was devastated. ‘What is unbearable to see is large numbers of old ladies and the sick … people carrying in one hand bedding left from the fire, people carrying buckets that have been scorched. These people hobble aimlessly down Ginza Street. The eyes of each and every one are reddened. It is probably because of the smoke and heat.’
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The government set up dining halls where workers received a thin porridge ‘garnished with potato fragments, a radish leaf, a bit of snail, or a few grains of rice’. The demand was enormous. In the Shinjuku district of Tokyo people began queuing as early as nine in the morning for the lunch at noon. If the dining halls were bombed, bags of dried biscuits were distributed as a substitute.
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Kiyosawa’s nephew and his family were left homeless. All the aid that they received was ‘a five-day ration of rice and soya sauce’ and a free train ride out of the city.
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SURRENDER
Long before August 1945 it was clear to the Japanese leadership that the country was defeated. During the summer of 1945 the Allied strategy against the home islands consisted of a mix of blockade and bombardment. The aerial bombing campaign had flattened Tokyo,
Osaka, Nagoya, Yokohama, Kobe and Kawasaki.
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The planes then went on to disable Korea’s rail network, shutting down supplies of raw materials for plane manufacture. The inter-island rail and sea connection between Honshu and Hokkaido was smashed in July.
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In order to reinforce the blockade the US air force had diverted a substantial number of B-29 bombers from the bombing campaign to lay extensive minefields around Japan’s shores. ‘Operation Starvation’, as the mining campaign was known, was an extremely cost-effective form of attack. At a loss of very few planes the mines sank over a million tons of shipping. By August half of the 1.5 million tons that remained of the merchant marine was damaged and the rest of the ships were marooned in their harbours, barely able to move due to the net of mines spread around Japan.
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Japanese industry had ground to a halt for lack of raw materials.
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Hashimoto Yukio was working on a project to manufacture a special type of aluminium. ‘The quality of material used for airplanes had declined to the lowest level. The collection of pots and pans (which were melted down to make planes) was totally inadequate to meet our needs.’ When his team began to salvage materials from downed B-29 bombers he realized the odds which Japan was up against. ‘I had thought that since Japan was under such duress, the quality of American materials would naturally have suffered as well. But the components we analysed met the normal standards, and the surface of the propellers shone brightly like silver. I won’t forget the chill I felt at the strength of American production capabilities.’
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His team worked many long nights to get the metal ready in time to contribute to the war but were overtaken by Japan’s surrender. ‘When I saw the duraluminium, its material label still on, used for dustpans and ladles lined up in black markets right after the War’s end, I felt my energies seep from my body.’
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The metal for Japanese fighter planes was so inferior that Hashimoto heard that the engines cracked if they were flown at full throttle. This was rapidly becoming irrelevant as the country ran out of aviation fuel. Despite having rebuilt the oil industry in the Dutch East Indies the Japanese could not take advantage of their success as the shipping blockade had cut them off from their supplies. ‘No [oil] tanker reached Japan after March 1945.’
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In May the government abandoned the attempt to bring in raw
materials for the war industry and concentrated on importing food. By now between half and three-quarters of the rice ration was distributed in the form of sweet potatoes and soya beans.
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The government had never officially acknowledged that the progressive substitution of other foods for rice amounted to a reduction in the ration, but in July it finally admitted that it could not fill the ration quotas and the cabinet issued a statement announcing a 10 per cent reduction in the staple ration. The loss of imports meant that the level of salt in the urban population’s diet was close to the minimum for survival.
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Piles of Manchurian soya beans, millet, peanut oil and salt lay rotting on the quays of the Korean ports but there was too little shipping to bring much across the mine-strewn Sea of Japan. Even those few ships that ran the blockade did so in vain. Coastal transport within Japan had been brought to a halt by the American mines and this placed intense pressure on the inadequate rail system. This and a lack of labour at the docks meant that the food ended up rotting in the holds of the ships and on Japanese quays instead. Fearful that localized famines would develop which would lead to civil disorder, in characteristic fashion the government called on farmers ‘to double production by assuming the “special attack spirit”’.
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Nutritionists were still trying to find ways of feeding the urban population with substitute foods and these became increasingly bizarre. At some point in 1945 a substitute flour was distributed, suspiciously named the ‘pulverized diet’. It contained a powder of acorns, sweet potato vines and mulberry leaves and was not only revolting but potentially damaging to human health. Suto Ryosaku recalled that her mother made dumplings with this flour but the children in the family simply could not eat them. ‘Even when we told them to shut their eyes and eat, it was no good.’
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In Osaka a broadcast explained to the civilians that used tea-leaves, the blossoms and leaves of roses, silkworm cocoons, worms, grasshoppers, mice, rats, moles, snails, snakes, and a powder made of the dried blood of cows, horses and pigs, made useful supplementary foods. The Osakan authorities even claimed that a fermenting agent could be used to break down sawdust and render it edible.
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The Americans were unaware of the full impact of Operation Starvation. In June a US assessment of the situation asserted that the
country would not experience a ‘serious overall food shortage in 1945’.
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Certainly, the Japanese were not yet dying of starvation in large numbers but average calorie consumption in the cities had fallen to 1,680 and was thus hovering around the starvation level. Kiyosawa was one of the early victims of the blockade. He died in May 1945, aged fifty-six, of pneumonia, brought on by his malnourished and emaciated condition. The urban population was steadily losing weight and around a quarter of townspeople were suffering from malnutrition. Tuberculosis, beriberi, digestive, skin and vitamin-deficiency diseases were rife. The birth-rate had fallen and infant mortality had risen. Post-war studies of children’s heights show that the growth of the youth of Japan was seriously stunted.
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In the summer of 1945 Japan’s fate lay in the hands of just eight men: the six members of the Supreme Council for the Direction of the War, the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, Marquis Kido Koichi, and the Emperor.
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Three representatives of the military within the council – Army Minister Anami Korechika, Army Chief of Staff Umezu Yoshijiro and Navy Chief of Staff Toyoda Soemu – maintained a firm line, right up until 6 August and the dropping of the first atomic bomb, on Hiroshima, that Japan should never surrender. In July 1944 Kiyosawa noted in his diary that no matter how unrealistic, the Japanese military seemed to hope against hope that they would be able to lure the American battleships closer and closer and then ‘deliver a devastating blow when the enemy approaches’.
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When, in August 1944, it became apparent that the government were preparing for an American invasion of the home islands he concluded that they still believed ‘in a final divine wind and that the war will end with a great victory’.
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Kiyosawa’s assessment of the militarists’ thinking was correct. Their plan was to continue to inflict devastating casualties on the Americans until they were forced to negotiate. After Germany’s unconditional surrender on 8 May 1945 they correctly assessed that the American public and soldiers had little stomach for yet more fighting and bloodshed, and were eager to bring the war to a speedy end. What the Japanese leadership failed to grasp was that the Allies would never accept the terms on which the militarists wished to surrender, which included that there should be no change in the government, no occupation of the Japanese home islands, that Japanese troops should be
allowed to disarm themselves, and that any war crimes trials would be conducted by the Japanese.
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The Allies were fully committed to achieving an unconditional surrender. They saw the final defeat of the German and Japanese armies, and the imposition of social reforms during a period of occupation, as essential to achieving a lasting peace.
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On 26 July 1945 the Allied leaders held out an olive branch in the form of the Potsdam Declaration, which specified that they were looking for the unconditional surrender of the armed forces (rather than the entire nation) and that the Japanese would eventually be allowed to set up their own government.
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A group had emerged within the Japanese government which was in favour of negotiating a peace, and the civilian members of the council, Foreign Minister Togo Shigenori and Prime Minister Suzuki Kantaro, welcomed the Potsdam Declaration, at least as a basis for further negotiations. During a post-war interview with members of the US Strategic Bombing Survey a former Japanese prime minister, Prince Konoe Fumimaro acknowledged that the upper-class members of the council and the Marquis Kido Koichi were afraid of ‘a sort of communistic revolution’.
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Unlike the militarists, who saw foreign occupation as the worst possible fate that could befall Japan, the noble elite were afraid that the destruction of Japan’s cities and its economy would undermine the social fabric of the nation to the extent that the masses would rise up in protest against the suffering and trigger a social revolution which would undermine the Imperial institution and bring the feudal structure of Japanese society tumbling down. After the dropping of the atomic bombs, one of the reasons the Emperor gave for his decision to surrender was the fear of domestic upheaval.
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It is impossible now to tell whether this would have happened. The food situation after the surrender in August gives some indication of the extent to which the situation would have worsened if Japan had continued fighting and the American blockade had continued. The harvest of 1945 was affected by wet, cold weather followed by typhoons and floods in the autumn. In November the government calculated that they only had enough food to provide a ration of 1,325 calories per person, and the inefficiencies of the delivery system meant that the ration sometimes provided only one-third of the calories needed to survive.
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The government began a campaign to redistribute more
effectively what little food was available. This staved off a serious food crisis until mid-1946. However, this would almost certainly have been impossible to achieve if the war had still been going on. Japan would not have been able to use shipping to move food between the islands and the Americans were planning to begin the systematic destruction of the Japanese rail network in August. This would have immobilized the Japanese transport system. If the war had continued, famine would almost certainly have occurred in Japan’s major cities and many thousands of Japanese would have starved to death, beginning with infants, children, the elderly and the infirm.
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There were protests over the incompetence of the government’s food policy in 1946 and, while they were never likely to lead to revolution while the Americans were occupying the country, it is possible that if the war had continued the increasingly desperate urban population might well have risen up to demand peace.