Spain: A Unique History (49 page)

8. For the interaction of American artists with Spain during this period, see M. E. Boone,
Vistas de España: American Views of Art and Life in Spain, 1860-1914
(New Haven, Conn., 2007).

9. Phillips, "La otra cara de la moneda," 1:61-76.

10.
España Libre
continued its biweekly publication for many years, concluding its labors only in 1977, when it declared that because of the new democratization under Juan Carlos, Spain had once more become "libre."

11. Maurín's second surname was Julià, and his personal language in Catalonia was Catalan, although most of his writing and his addresses to workers were in Spanish. He hoped to attract peripheral nationalism to the revolution, and therefore when I published my book on early Basque nationalism in 1974, the year after his death, it seemed fitting to dedicate it to his memory. For fear of the lingering censorship in Spain, however, this had to be abbreviated in the Spanish edition to "A la memoria de J. M. J."

12. Archivo de la Fundación Nacional Francisco Franco, 69:23336. The report is mistaken that I had succeeded in interviewing Aranda, who always avoided contact with me. The error probably stemmed from a police observer who noted an effort of mine to call on Aranda in his home on the calle Alfonso XII (My thanks to Félix Morales, Secretario General of the Fundación, for this document.)

13. S. G. Payne,
A History of Fascism, 1914-1945
(Madison, 1995), is co-dedicated also to my dear friend and senior colleague, George Mosse, eminent in the study of fascism as in much else; Linz is also recognized in my later full treatment of Falangism,
Fascism in Spain, 1923-1977
(Madison, 1999).

14. For an account of this enterprise from Martínez's point of view, see A. Forment,
José Martínez: La epopeya de Ruedo Ibérico
(Barcelona, 2000).

15. S. G. Payne, "Jaime Vicens Vives and the Writing of Spanish History,"
Journal of Modern History
34.2 (June 1962): 119-34.

16. Gabriel Jackson, the first chairman of the History Department at UC-San Diego (La Jolla), arranged the purchase of this collection. My UCLA colleague John Galbraith had become the first regular chancellor of the newly expanded San Diego campus, and since I knew that he was looking for a chairman to start the History Department, I recommended Jackson, who was seeking to move to a major university and so briefly served as department chairman when he moved to La Jolla in 1966.

17. S. G. Payne, "Il nazionalismo basco tra destra e sinistra,"
Rivista Storica Italiana
85.4 (1973): 984-1043.

18. S. G. Payne,
Basque Nationalism
(Reno, 1975).

19. Sebastián Auger was a wealthy Catalan businessman who aspired to play a role in both cultural affairs and public life. Soon after the death of Franco, however, he fled the country as the result of a financial scandal.

20. S. G. Payne,
El nacionalismo vasco: De sus orígenes a la ETA
(Barcelona, 1974), the subtitle being considerably inflated. It appeared in English as
Basque Nationalism
.

21. S. G. Payne, "In the Twilight of the Franco Era,"
Foreign Affairs
49.2 (January 1971): 342-54.

22. The proceedings of this seminar were published in S. Chavkin, J. Sangster, and W. Susman, eds.,
Spain: Implications for United States Foreign Policy
(Stamford, Conn., 1976).

23. As soon as Suárez was appointed, National Public Radio in Washington telephoned me at my vacation site near Yellowstone National Park to inquire about the prospects of Spain's new prime minister. In fact, at that time I knew very little about Suárez but told them that he was a reasonably experienced political figure who enjoyed the confidence of the king and would have a good chance to succeed in democratizing the system. Part of this was more a guess or a conjecture, but it turned out to be the right thing to say.

1. "Hispania' was apparently derived from a Phoenician word referring either to "land of rabbits" or "land of metals."

2. A good statement of this interpretation for the origins of Visigothic Spain is J. Arce,
Bárbaros y romanos en España (400-507A.D.)
(Madrid, 2005).

3. This is the burden of B. Ward-Perkins,
The Fall of Rome and the End of Civilization
(Oxford, 2005).

4. See the references in M. González Jiménez, "¿Re-conquista? Un estado de la cuestión," in E. Benito Ruano, ed.,
Tópicos y realidades de la Edad Media
(Madrid, 2000), 155-78.

5. A. García Gallo, "Nacionalidad y territorialidad del derecho en la epoca visigoda,"
Anuario de la Historia del Derecho Español
13 (1936-41): 168-264.

6. R. Collins,
Law, Culture and Regionalism in Early Medieval Spain
(Hampshire, 1992), 204-5.

7. See especially J. Fontaine,
Isidoro de Sevilla: Génesis y originalidad de la cultura hispánica en tiempos de los visigodos
(Madrid, 2002) and
Culture et spiritualité en Espagne du IVe an Vile siècle
(London, 1986).

8. E. James, ed., V
isigothic Spain: New Approaches
(Oxford, 1980).

9. P. Brown,
The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Diversity, A. D. 200-1000
(Oxford, 2003), 366; A. Besga Marroquín,
Consideraciones sobre la situación política de los pueblos del norte de España durante la época visigoda del Reino de Toledo
(Bilbao, 1983); L. R. Menéndez Bueyes,
Reflexiones críticas sobre el origen del Reino de Asturias
(Salamanca, 2001).

10. B. Schimmelpfennig,
Das Papsttum: Von der Antike his zur Renaissance
(Darmstadt, 1996), cited in J. L. Villacañas Berlanga,
La formación de los reinos hispánicos
(Madrid, 2006), 126.

11. Cf. J. Fontaine and C. Pellistrandi,
L'Europe héritère de l'Espagne visigothique
(Madrid, 1992). The origin of early medieval popular assemblies, found in various forms in northern Spain and also throughout most of western Europe, is a different, more problematic issue. Claudio Sánchez Albornoz, like many historians who write in English, tends to attribute this to Germanic influences. See C. Sánchez Albornoz,
España, un enigma histórico
(Buenos Aires, 1971), 1:134-39. Some Spanish historians would disagree.

12. Fontaine,
Isidoro de Sevilla
, 284.

13. Fontaine,
Culture et spiritualité
38.

14. Ibid., 37.

15. R. Collins,
Visigothic Spain, 409-711
(Oxford, 2004), 244.

16. A. Besga Marroquín,
Orígenes hispanogodos del Reino de Asturias
(Oviedo, 2000).

17. See, for example, A. Bonet Correa,
Arte pre-románico asturiano
(Barcelona, 1987) and V. Nieto Alcalde,
Arte prerrománico asturiano
(Salinas, 1989).

18. A judicious recent summary maybe found in the splendidly illustrated synthesis by J. I. Ruiz de la Peña Solar,
La monarquía asturiana
(Oviedo, 2001). Perhaps the most assiduous advocate of the new interpretation has been Besga Marroquín, who has published several more widely read articles in the popular history magazine
Historia 16
, in addition to the books cited earlier. The classic account is C. Sánchez Albornoz,
El Reino de Asturias: Orígenes de la nación Española
(Oviedo, 2001), and, for a recent popularized version, see J. J. Esparza,
La gran aventura del Reino de Asturias: Así empezó la Reconquista
(Madrid, 2009).

1. These multiculturalists, however, also expected all those participating in "diversity" to have the same political principles, derived from the late modern, politically correct West.

2. M. R. Menocal,
The Ornament of the World: How Muslims, Jews, and Christians Created a Culture of Tolerance in Medieval Spain
(Boston, 2002).

3. E. Karsh,
Islamic Imperialism. A History
(New Haven, Conn., 2006), presents a good brief account of Muslim military expansionism across the centuries, while P. Fregosi,
Jihad in the West: Muslim Conquests from the 7th to the 21st Centuries
(Amherst, N.Y., 1998), is broader yet.

4. The literature concerning Spain and the Islamic world is enormous. P. Damián Cano,
Al Andalus: El Islam y los pueblos ibéricos
(Madrid, 2004), offers a good short survey, while the long conflict, with special attention to the Reconquest and the twentieth century, is narrated in C. Vidal Manzanares,
España frente al Islam: De Mahoma a Ben Laden
(Madrid, 2004).

5. I. V. Gaiduk,
The Great Confrontation: Europe and Islam through the Centuries
(Chicago, 2003), presents a broad survey that includes eastern Europe.

6. See M.Bonner,Jihad in Islamic History: Doctrines and Practice (Princeton, N.J., 2006).

7. R. Collins,
The Arab Conquest of Spain, 710-797
(Oxford, 1989), is the second volume of the multivolume
Blackwell's History of Spain
edited by John Lynch and effectively summarizes and analyzes the data available at the time of writing, though new studies continue to appear.

8. "Al-Andalus" means, approximately, "the West," although the etymology is not clear.

9. On the complete predominance of oriental culture and forms, see P. Guichard,
Al-Andalus: Estructura antropológica de una sociedad islámica en Occidente
(Barcelona, 1976). The key study of the initial phase is P. Chalmeta,
Invasión e islamización: La sumisión de Hispania y la formación de al-Andalus
(Jaén, 2003). T. F. Glick,
Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages: Comparative Perspectives on Social and Cultural Formation
(Princeton, N.J., 1979), is also useful. Guichard's
De la expansión arabe a la Reconquista: Esplendor y fragilidad de Al-Andalus
(Granada, 2002), presents one of the best general portraits of AI-Andalus.

10. A. G. Chejne,
Muslim Spain: Its History and Culture
(Minneapolis, 1974), iv.

11. It should be remembered that a subject Christian population, much of it also speaking a form of vernacular Latin or early Romance, survived in the northern Maghrib during the same time period as that of the Mozarabs of Al-Andalus. Although its territory had begun to shrink and decline as early as the fourth century, much of the Romanized area of the northern Maghrib had been firmly Christian in religion (even more so than some parts of Roman western Europe) and at times in close contact with Visigothic Hispania. Under Muslim domination it suffered the same pressures and fate as the Mozarabs, and also succumbed to the Almohads by the twelfth century.

12. On the initial achievements of Islamic culture and the place of Islamic society in history, see M. G. S. Hodgson,
The Venture of lslam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization
, 3 vols. (Chicago, 1974), and
Rethinking World History: Essays on Europe, Islam and World History
(Cambridge, 1993).

13. J. Van Ess,
The Flowering of Muslim Theology
(Cambridge, Mass., 2006), is a good introduction.

14. Though for centuries San Isidoro was probably read by proportionately more people, Juan Verner has observed that in his influence on Western philosophy Averroes was the most influential thinker born in the Iberian Peninsula, even if he was not "Spanish" but Muslim.

15. Though there is no doubt that Averroes was widely read, in recent years there has been a growing tendency to question the importance of Muslim cultural influence on Western thought and development, and even to question the significance of its role in transmitting ancient texts. See S. Gouguenheim,
Aristóteles y el Islam: Las raíces griegas de la Europa cristiana
(Madrid, 2009).

16. According to one study, cited in J. Verner,
El Islam y Europa
(Barcelona, 1982), 71, of the major Muslim writers and scientists studied in western Europe during the fifteenth century, eight had been born in the eleventh and eight in the twelfth centuries, but only two in the thirteenth and one in the fourteenth centuries, by which time Muslim intellectual culture was fading.

17. A brief treatment of black slavery in Al-Andalus and elsewhere in the Islamic world may be found in R. Segal,
Islam's Black Slaves: The Other Black Diaspora
(New York, 2001).

18. J. H. Sweet, "The Iberian Roots of American Racist Thought,"
William and Mary Quarterly
54.1 (January 1997): 143-65, calls attention, in my judgment correctly, to the importance of the influence and example of Islam in the early development of slavery among the Spanish and Portuguese.

19. B. Lewis,
Race and Slavery in the Middle East:: An Historical Inquiry
(Oxford, 1992).

20. J. Rodríguez Molina,
La vida de moros y cristianos en la frontera
(Alcalá la Real, 2007).

21. B. Vincent, "La cultura morisca,"
Historia 16
18 (October 1977): 78-95. The standard work on religious differences is L. Cardaillac,
Moriscos y cristianos: Un enfrentamiento polémico (1492-1640)
(Madrid, 1979).

22. E. K. Neuvonen,
Los arabismos del Español en el siglo XIII
(Helsinki, 1941), found that only one-half of 1 percent of the total vocabulary of literary Castilian in the thirteenth century stemmed from Arabic, but this does not account for additional Arabisms in local vocabularies, or the addition of further Arabisms in the later Middle Ages.

23. See E. Alfonso, "La construcción de la identidad judía en al-Andalus en la Edad Media,"
El Olivo
23.49 (1999): 5-24.

24. The fate of the enormous number of Spaniards and other west Europeans seized and enslaved during the early modern period — amounting in toto to possibly as many as a million people — is treated in R. C. Davis,
Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters: White Slavery in the Mediterranean, the Barbary Coast, and Italy, 1500-1800
(New York, 2003). On the Spanish experience, see E. G. Friedman,
Spanish Captives in North Africa in the Early Modern Age
(Madison, 1983), and J. Martínez Torres,
Prisioneros de los infieles: Vida y rescate de los cautivos cristianos en el mediterráneo musulmán (siglos xvi-xvii)
(Barcelona, 2007). The most famous prisoner was Cervantes, whose captivity in Algiers has been recounted recently by M. A. Garcés,
Cervantes in Algiers: A Captive's Tale
(Nashville, 2002). This experience was formative in the career of the great writer, and he referred to it frequently, in quite negative terms, though it did not prejudice him against Muslims, as evidenced by references in his classic novel. For that matter, one of his conceits was that Don Quijote had been translated from the work of "Cide Hamete Benengeli, historiador arábigo." And in the Middle Ages, the Arabs had produced great historians, more than — for example — great scientists.