Read Royal Romances: Sex, Scandal, and Monarchy Online
Authors: Kristin Flieger Samuelian
Tags: #Europe, #Modern (16th-21st Centuries), #England, #0230616305, #18th Century, #2010, #Palgrave Macmillan, #History
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cal relationship in which they could come to know her without being
known themselves” (193).
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Readers of the Florizel and Perdita novels did not need to be
convinced that they contained “the genuine copies of letters which
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passed” between the lovers in order to believe that, through reading
them, they could come to know the “real” Florizel and Perdita. What
they could come to know, however, varied according to the projects
of the books and the times of their publication. These early novels
are similar in tone to the popular “Tête-à-tête” columns in
Town and
Country Magazine
, which provided some of the earliest background
information on celebrity courtesans like Robinson. The tête-à-têtes
published accounts of illicit, often adulterous affairs, illustrated by a
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pair of miniatures depicting the parties, usually in profile and facing
one another.
Town and Country
published two tête-à-têtes devoted to
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Robinson, one in May of 1780 and one in January of 1781. The first
chronicles her affair with an unnamed peer.20 The second, “Memoirs
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of the illustrious HEIR and the fair OPHELIA,” provides a brief
biography of Robinson, concentrating, as was typical for the tête-
à-têtes, on her origins and progress as a courtesan. The article con-
cludes with her affair with the Prince, who, the author alleges, fell
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in love after seeing her play Ophelia.21 These articles, like the novels
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that followed them, at once sentimentalize and satirize their subject
matter. They present the affairs as financial transactions between
highborn males and a woman of lower or uncertain status, while at
the same time idealizing both the relationships and the lovers. As
Cindy McCreery has shown, the tête-à-tête articles had to accomplish
a variety of tasks, reflecting the diversity of their readership and the
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complexity of attitudes toward aristocracy and celebrity at the end of
the eighteenth century. Aimed at bourgeois and aristocratic readers,
and at women as well as men (although the identified reader was rec-
ognizably male), the tête-à-têtes worked as satire, puffery, and moral
tales. While implicitly critical of privileged males’ vice and “corrup-
tion of the lower orders,” they “also appealed to middle-class readers’
curiosity about an exotic sector of society very different from their
own,” encouraging “those outside elite London society to feel that
they remained in touch with its progress” (“Keeping Up with the
Bon
Ton
” 224, 228).
In the case of the Robinson articles, unlike the majority of tête-
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à-têtes, the authors devote as much attention to the woman’s history
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as to the man’s.22 “Memoirs of the Doating Lover and the Dramatic
Enchantress” presents Robinson sympathetically as a selective cour-
tesan. She repeatedly disarms “suitors of the first rank and fortune,”
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who assume she is available for sale to the highest bidder and treat her
“with as little ceremony as if she had been a prostitute by profession.”
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Judging their offers as “base and abject,” she rejects them “with a
proper contempt.” The author’s conclusion, “[t]hus we find the
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Dramatic Enchantress was not so easy a conquest as many imagined”
(235), allows his readers to share in Robinson’s intellectual triumph
over the “many” who blunder because they lack the discrimination
to recognize her worth. “Memoirs of the Illustrious Heir and the
Fair Ophelia” is more conventional in its treatment of Robinson’s
sexuality, calling her “our too susceptible heroine” (10) and attribut-
ing her first fall to the disappointments occasioned by an early and
hasty marriage. Once fallen, she is more pragmatic as a courtesan
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than as a bride, calculating on the beauty that had made her sus-
ceptible to a faithless husband “as the means . . . of raising her from
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her wretched condition and of literally clothing and feeding them
both” (10–11). She uses her marriage to facilitate and cover her sex-
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ual commerce, which the author figures as entrapment: she employs
“the shadow of a husband to conceal her designs” and allow her to
“overpower unguarded hearts, before they were sensible of their dan-
ger” (10). This is a more calculating Robinson than the proud beauty
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who turned away ready money in the first article, but she is still not
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tainted by promiscuity. Although “courted by persons of the first
distinction . . . her connexions were at least contained within a narrow
circle, when our hero first beheld her” (11). This attempt to distin-
guish genteel concubinage from prostitution, as Laura Runge points
out, was typical both of contemporary anti-adultery discourse and of
Robinson’s own self-representations. Throughout her career, Runge
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R o y a l R o m a n c e s
points out, “Robinson resisted the label of ‘whore’ and ‘prostitute,’
and specifically narrated the development of her subjectivity in oppo-
sition to those categories” (564), aligning her “wage-earning labor
with authorship and acting, but not with trade in sex” (575).
Both articles represent Robinson semi-sympathetically, while
still providing the peep into the private compartments of a sexually
engaged celebrity that texts such as the tête-à-têtes promised. Their
resulting tonal instability reflects the ambivalence of voyeurism and
of the voyeur’s attitude toward the viewed object, at once objectifi-
cation and covert identification, by turns masturbatory, reverential,
and derisive. The voyeurism of these texts also shades their satire,
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which is both satire and not satire, depending on whether the reader
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identifies as a social critic or a celebrity watcher (McCreery points
out that readers of the tête-à-têtes could be classed as both). This
generic complexity is clearest in the novels, for which voyeurism is a
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larger part of their projects. The tête-à-têtes, despite their title, are
not private, intimate accounts.23 Through their rhetoric the authors
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position their heroes and heroines as objects, not subjects. They are
exposés: their authors claim to publicize facts rather than confessions
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or correspondence. The tête-à-têtes are secondary sources, designed
for those who are content to have their information distilled for
them. Their satire, when it appears, is in the control of its author,
who constructs it
as
satire, rather than allowing it to emerge from
an ironic distance between letter writer and reader. “The Memoirs
of the Illustrious Heir” opens with a discussion of royalty and suc-
cession that, in its evocation of Henry IV, is critical of the Prince,
but only if not taken at face value. A royal heir, the writer argues, is
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a projection created by the “distempered fancy” of a populace that
fondly hopes he will deliver it “from all those calamities and inconve-
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niencies” blamed on the current monarch, and persuaded to believe
“that he really possesses those excellencies” with which it invests
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him. When he “enters into office,” however, “the heaven-born youth
is found to be an erring man,” and the fickle people “look back with
regret to the once execrated times of his predecessor.” This con-
demnation of the monarchical system anticipates Hazlitt’s 1818 “On
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the Regal Character,” except that the critique here is so widespread,
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comprehending both royalty and populace, it verges on political
nihilism. The author’s assurance that “[h]appily the many amiable
qualities of the Heir, who is the subject of this memoir, afford great
reason to conclude that no such disappointment can ensue in regard
to him” (9) has already been upended by his detailed generalizations.
He enacts the unrealistic hopes of the populace, and incorporates the
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readers’ expectations into the fantasy. It is still up to the reader to
decide whether this is satire or unambiguous praise, but this decision
depends more upon his discrimination than his information. If he is
a careful reader, he will get the illogic in the author’s introduction
and recognize that the article offers at least the possibility that the
Prince’s virtues are as fantastic as the claim that the lovers, in January
1781, “continue to reciprocate the finest feelings of which human
beings are susceptible” (11).
The irony of that last line reverts to a dependence on the informa-
tion of the reader, who either knows or doesn’t know that the affair is
already over. Readers of the tête-à-têtes, in order to get their nuances,
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needed to be more educated consumers than readers of the novels,
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who were not being asked either to trust or to judge their editors’
information to the same extent. Once these readers have decided on
the letters’ authenticity (or once they have willingly suspended their
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disbelief, and accepted the narratives of discovery offered by the edi-
tors), they are granted an access that appears nearly unmediated.24
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This fiction of direct engagement comes from what Russett describes
as the “materiality of the recovered text . . . and its occultation of the
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author-function” (28). Because “the naked letter cannot be found,
only fantasized” (Russett 27), however, readers are already both in
possession and imagining the letters. This is particularly true of mass-
produced texts like
Budget
and
Effusions
or the pamphlet containing
the Cumberland letters. The latter articulates this contradiction on its
title page. Are these indeed the “genuine copies” of the letters? The
letters that were read aloud in court, after all, were copies made by
Lord Grosvenor, who then relinquished the originals so that he could
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allow the affair to progress unimpeded for the time being. The let-
ters we hold in our hands are not
those
“genuine copies,” which were
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individual, hand-written documents, and not typeset over continuous
pages, numbered, and bound together. Nor are they the “genuine”
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letters, which were written in a different hand, probably crossed (they
were often interminably long), directed on the outside and presum-
ably franked. The reader’s fantasy of discovery (or recovery) requires
a voluntary elision of the process of reproduction—personal, juridi-
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cal, commercial—that is expressed in the pamphlet’s oxymoronic
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title.25 This elision becomes occultation in the case of the Florizel
and Perdita letters, which originated as impostures, albeit of docu-
ments that existed in fact. The absence of an author’s name means
that their readers must either accept at face value every statement
made by their putative writers, no matter how implausible, or under-
stand as hypocrisy or stupidity what in another kind of text—say,
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