"Non-Germans" Under the Third Reich (156 page)

190.
Cf. Plenipotentiary General for Labor Allocation Program of April 20, 1942 (Sauckel,
Handbuch
, 27 ff., 32); for further details see Seeber,
Zwangsarbeiter in der faschistischen Kriegswirtschaft
, 55.

191.
Plenipotentiary General for Labor Allocation Program of April 20, 1942 (Sauckel,
Handbuch
): “It is therefore absolutely necessary to take full advantage of the human resources in the Occupied Soviet Territories. If it is not possible to achieve the workforce required on a voluntary basis, conscription or compulsory labor must be instituted immediately…. It is thus important above all to mobilize civilian and specialist workers aged fifteen and over into the German workforce” (32); “As long as the German armaments economy did not render it absolutely necessary, recruitment of Soviet prisoners of war and civilian workers … from the Soviet territories had to be avoided at all costs. But now this is no longer possible. The working capacity of these people must be exploited to the fullest possible extent” (37). See the Decree on Recruitment Conditions for Eastern workers of June 30, 1942 (
RGBl.
I, 419); implementing and amending order of April 5, 1943 (
RGBl.
I, 1181).

192.
Implementing and amending order on Recruitment Conditions for Eastern Workers of March 26, 1944 (Sauckel,
Handbuch
, 210 ff.).

193.
Decree on Recruitment Conditions for Eastern Workers of March 25, 1944 (
RGBl.
I, 68), which superseded the decree of June 30, 1942 (
RGBl.
I, 419).

194.
Plenipotentiary General for Labor Allocation Instruction no. 11 of July 23, 1943, on home leave and vacations for foreign workers (Sauckel,
Handbuch
, 103 f.) and implementing order of March 26, 1944 (
RGBl.
I, 70; Sauckel,
Handbuch
, 210 ff.), under the Decree on Recruitment Conditions for Eastern Workers of June 30, 1942 (
RGBl.
I, 419).

195.
Plenipotentiary General for Labor Allocation Instruction no. 12 of October 2, 1943 (Sauckel,
Handbuch
, 105).

196.
The breaches included “vagrancy, refusal to work, slacking, and other disciplinary offenses [for example, fighting at work],” explanatory notes to Plenipotentiary General for Labor Allocation Instruction no. 13 of November 1, 1943 (ibid., 110 ff.).

197.
Unauthorized change of workplace was punished by prison sentences and/or fines at the instigation of the head of the relevant Labor Office (Change of Workplace Decree of September 1, 1939,
RGBl.
I, 1685).

198.
Cf. Plenipotentiary General for Labor Allocation Instruction of July 20, 1942 (
RArbBl.
I, 341), and of October 1, 1942 (
RArbBl.
I, 443); Instruction no. 13 of November 1, 1943 (Sauckel,
Handbuch
, 107 ff.), with official explanatory notes (110 ff.). For more details, see Adam, “Die rechtlichen Handhaben” (1940). For the punishment of disciplinary offenses by Polish workers, see Seeber,
Zwangsarbeiter in der faschistischen Kriegswirtschaft
, 158.

199.
See report by the prosecutor general for Posen of April 10, 1942 (BA R 22/851), in which the prosecutor general lodges a complaint against “unwarranted interference” by the police in the regular legal process [a breach of work contract by Polish workers could have been punished as anti-German behavior on the strength of the Decree on Penal Law for Poles—Author].

200.
“Work training camps” were set up in May 1943 at the latest by instruction of the
Reichsführer
-SS (memorandum of July 27, 1943, from head of SIPO and SD to the Higher SS and Police Chiefs [HSSPF], Nuremberg doc. PS-1063 a-b, quoted by Seeber,
Zwangsarbeiter in der faschistischen Kriegswirtschaft
, 199); see also Auerbach, “Arbeitserziehungslager 1940–1944.”

201.
Decree of the
Reichsführer
-SS of January 19, 1942, quoted in the Chief Public Prosecutor Posen Report of April 10, 1942 (BA R 22/851).

202.
See, for example, the decree of December 12, 1939 (
RGBl.
I, 2403), and the implementing order of the same date issued by the Reich Ministry of Labor (
RArbBl.
III, 380), which established a working day of eight hours, with a maximum of twelve. For more details, see Fröde, “Die Verordnung über den Arbeitsschutz.” For Polish agricultural workers, by contrast, there was no limitation on working hours, at least locally. Circular of March 6, 1941, from the Baden farmers’ association to all district farmers’ associations (Nuremberg doc. EL-068, quoted by Seeber,
Zwangsarbeiter in der faschistischen Kriegswirtschaft
, 163).

203.
Plenipotentiary General for Labor Allocation Program of April 20, 1942 (Sauckel,
Handbuch
, 37).

204.
Statement made by the head of the German Workers’ Front, Robert Ley, early in 1940 (Nuremberg doc., IMT doc. [USSR] 93, quoted by Seeber,
Zwangsarbeiter in der faschistischen Kriegswirtschaft
, 154).

205.
Plenipotentiary General for Labor Allocation Program of April 20, 1942, section titled “Erkenntnisse und Grundsätze des optimalen Arbeitseinsatzes,” b and k (Sauckel,
Handbuch
, 27 ff., 45, 47 f.).

206.
Plenipotentiary General for Labor Allocation Instruction no. 7 of November 18, 1942, on accommodation of foreign workers according to nationality (ibid., 93 ff.); for more details on the accommodation see Seeber,
Zwangsarbeiter in der faschistischen Kriegswirtschaft
, 157.

207.
Plenipotentiary General for Labor Allocation Instruction no. 4, point I 2 b and IV, of May 7, 1942 (Sauckel,
Handbuch
, 79 ff.), and agreement of June 2, 1943, between the plenipotentiary general for labor allocation and the German Workers’ Front on the care of foreign workers (174). The central office of the German Workers’ Front for this purpose was the Central Inspectorate for Care of Foreign Workers.

208.
See Seeber,
Zwangsarbeiter in der faschistischen Kriegswirtschaft
, 174 f., with further references.

209.
According to E. Seeber, ibid., the nutrition of foreign workers in 1942–44 was similar to that of Germans.

Part One. Section 1. VI. The Cultural and Social Sector

1.
Riefersauer, “Die Juden in der deutschen Grundstücks- und Wohnungswirtschaft” (1939), 1270.

2.
The Reich Chamber of Culture Law of September 22, 1933 (
RGBl.
I, 661), and First Implementing Order of November 1, 1933 (
RGBl.
I 797); the Theater Law of May 15, 1934, with First Implementing Order of May 18, 1934 (
RGBl.
I 411), and Second Implementing Order of June 28, 1935 (
RGBl.
I 829); the Cinema Law of February 16, 1934 (
RGBl.
I 95) (the introduction of censorship); other regulations and texts may be found in Wulf,
Theater und Film im Dritten Reich
(1964); on cultural discrimination in detail, see Wulf,
Literatur und Dichtung im Dritten Reich
(1964); Wulf,
Presse und Funk im Dritten Reich
(1966); Wulf,
Musik im Dritten Reich
(1966); H. Seier, “Der Rektor als Führer,”
VjhZ
(1964): 105 ff.; from the contemporary literature, see W. Schnetz,
Grundgedanken nationalsozialistischer Kulturpolitik
, 2d ed. (1943).

3.
According to sec. 5 of the Law on Editors of October 4, 1933 (
RGBl.
I, 713), Aryan descent was explicitly required for the profession of editor-in-chief. Substantiation of this was subject to sec. 1 of the Reich Citizenship Law and its implementing regulations.

4.
See the regulations referred to in note 2 and the Reich Chamber of Film Law of July 27, 1933 (
RGBl.
I, 531). (This law replaced the Law on the Provisional Reich Chamber of Film of July 14, 1933 [
RGBl.
I, 483].)

5.
Official notifications of the Stage Guild of October 10, 1935, quoted in Wulf,
Theater und Film im Dritten Reich
(1964), 261. These required Aryan descent on the part of the applicant for membership in the guild and his wife, evidence of which was to be provided by the so-called Aryan certificate (262). The legal basis was sec. 25 of the First Implementing Order to the Reich Chamber of Culture Law, which regulated the conditions for the operation, opening, and closing of Reich Chambers of Culture and individual chambers.

6.
Sec. 4 of the First Implementing Order of November 1, 1933, to the Reich Chamber of Culture Law (
RGBl.
I, 797).

7.
Sec. 10 of the First Implementing Order of November 1, 1933, to the Reich Chamber of Culture Law (ibid.); the Reich Film Chamber Law of July 22, 1933 (
RGBl.
I, 531), and the Theater Law of May 15, 1934 (
RGBl.
I, 411), contained similar provisions. See the memorandum of March 5, 1934, from the Reich minister for education of the people and propaganda to all
Land
governments (quoted by Wulf,
Theater und Film im Dritten Reich
[1964], 261), according to which non-Aryans were refused admission to the individual chambers on the strength of sec. 10 of the First Implementing Order of November 1, 1933, to the Reich Chamber of Culture Law, (
RGBl.
I, 797).

8.
For individual treatments, see Hollstein,
Antisemitische Filmpropaganda
(1971); and Dammeyer, “Nationalsozialistische Filme im historisch-politischen Unterricht,” with numerous references.

9.
Berliner Lokalanzeiger
, May 9, 1933, quoted by Wulf,
Theater und Film im Dritten Reich
[1964], 255.

10.
Wulf,
Theater und Film im Dritten Reich
[1964], 41, regarding non-Aryan staff employed in theaters.

11.
Reich Supreme Court of June 27, 1936,
JW
(1936): 2529 ff. The decision of the Prussian Supreme Court, Berlin, is also reproduced there; see also J. W. Gerlach, “Radikalenfrage und Privatrecht,”
Recht und Staat
482–83 (1978): 53 n. 131.

12.
Law against the Overcrowding of German Schools and Universities of April 25, 1933 (
RGBl.
I, 22), according to which the proportion of non-Aryans in relation to the total number of new students should not be higher than the proportion of non-Aryans in the German population; exceptions were made for
Mischlinge
and the children of ex-combatants. See also the directives of July 2, 1937, by the Reich minister of education on the legal status of Jews in German schools (
MinbliV
[1937]: 346); Blau,
Das Ausnahmerecht für die Juden in Deutschland
(1965), 346; directive of November 15, 1938, by the Reich minister for science, education, and culture (
RMinBl. der Deutschen Wissenschaft
[1938]: 520, quoted in Main Commission Warsaw, Archiv, Reg. des General Government, Hauptabteilung Innere VW, II/374; transcript; also quoted in
Dokumente der Deutschen Politik und Geschichte
, vol. 503) (Jews forbidden to attend all German schools; Jewish schoolchildren to be suspended immediately; Jews allowed to attend only Jewish schools, since after the “disgraceful assassination in Paris … no German teacher [can] be expected to give lessons … to Jewish children”). Jews were also excluded from the universities by the decree of December 8, 1938, of the Reich minister for science, education, and culture (
RMinBl.
[1938]: 555).

13.
Regarding the treatment at school of the other “alien peoples” (foreign workers), see the instruction of September 1943 issued by the Reich minister for science, education, and culture (made known by way of confidential information from the Party Chancellery 40/510 of September 14, 1943,
Verfügungen
, 4:512 f. [1943]), according to which “for reasons of allocation” the “undesirable allocation of foreign families” had to be permitted in some degree, whereas “children of equivalent race” could be admitted to the
Volksschule
without restriction. Children of Polish civilian workers and of workers from the Eastern Territories were not admitted. At school children of “alien parents” had to sit apart from the “German children.” At harvest time they were to be “generously excused from classes.” In the larger towns special classes were set up in which lay helpers were to give short lessons “in the basic principles of the German language and arithmetic.”

Attendance at colleges and universities was granted—through a secret instruction of the Reich minister for science, education, and popular instruction to the universities and the boards of education of January 20, 1942—only for
Ukrainians
who had already matriculated or who had come to Germany before September 1, 1939. All other applicants had to be rejected. By a further secret instruction of February 18, 1942, the same ministry interdicted enrollment in German universities by
Russians
from the occupied Polish and Soviet territories. By “urgent instruction” of April 17, 1942, the minister reminded the universities that also
Poles
and
Czechs
were not to be enrolled, as already ordered by the circular instructions of November 10 and 13 and December 28, 1939, and October 21, 1940. A further secret instruction of March 13, 1943, interdicted the matriculation of students from the occupied Ukrainian territories. Students from Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia were admitted only on particular decision of a central office in the Reich Ministry of Science, Education, and Popular Instruction. Another secret instruction of November 6, 1943, interdicted the enrollment of Slovenian students; of interest here is also the secret “urgent order” of the Reich minister of science of May 12, 1943, by which the minister gave instructions to inaugurate “Copernicus celebrations” on May 24, 1943, at all universities of the Reich, in order to show that Copernicus (born in Toru
, Poland) was a “
German astronomer
” (University Archives, University of Innsbruck, Austria).