Mayflower (54 page)

EPILOGUE-
Conscience

Almon Lauber in
Indian Slavery in Colonial Times
writes of the departure of Captain Sprague from Plymouth with 178 slaves, as well as the law concerning the removal of all male Indians over fourteen years of age, pp. 125, 145. Jill Lepore in
The Name of War
provides an excellent discussion of slavery in King Philip’s War and the controversy surrounding what to do with Philip’s son, pp. 150–63. Sherburne Cook in “Interracial Warfare and Population Decline” carefully computes the number of Indians sold into slavery throughout New England and estimates that at least 511 Indians were sold at Plymouth, p. 20. James Drake in
King Philip’s War
calculates that while “in 1670 Indians constituted nearly 25 percent of New England’s inhabitants, by 1680 they made up only 8–12 percent,” p. 169; not only had the Indian population been dramatically reduced by the war, the English population had significantly increased by 1680. Jeremy Bangs in
Indian Deeds
writes of Plymouth’s inability to purchase the Mount Hope Peninsula in 1680, p. 184. Stephen Webb in 1676 claims that “Per-capita incomes in New England did not recover their 1675 levels until 1775. They did not exceed this pre-1676 norm until 1815,” p. 243. Webb also writes, “[T]he puritan purge of the ‘heathen barbarians’ from their midst not only externalized but also reinforced the native barrier to New England’s growth. A frontier line, between colonists and natives…replaced the cellular structure of mixed Indian and colonial villages, and was a far more effective limit on New England expansion. King Philip’s War had sapped the physical (and psychic) strength of Puritanism, limited the territorial frontiers of New England, and dramatically reduced the corporate colonies’ ability to resist the rising tide of English empire either politically or economically,” p. 412. See also T. H. Breen’s essay “War, Taxes, and Political Brokers” in
Puritans and Adventurers.
Richard Slotkin in
Regeneration through Violence
writes, “What [the Pilgrims] desired above all was a tabula rasa on which they could inscribe their dream: the outline of an idealized Puritan England,” p. 38. Benjamin Church chronicles his five post–King Philip’s War expeditions against the French and Indians in the second part of
EPRPW;
see Henry Martyn Dexter’s introduction to the second volume, pp. vii–xxxii. Richard Slotkin in his introduction to Church’s narrative in
So Dreadfull a Judgment
writes of Church becoming “immensely fat” in old age and needing assistance from two Indian guards, p. 375. In 1718, Church’s weight would literally be the death of him when his horse stumbled and threw him over his head; according to an account provided by his descendants, “the colonel being exceeding fat and heavy, fell with such force that a blood vessel was broken, and the blood gushed out of his mouth like a torrent. His wife was soon brought to him; he tried but was unable to speak to her, and died in about twelve hours,” quoted in Alan and Mary Simpson’s introduction to Church’s narrative, pp. 39–41.

For a concise account of the travels of Bradford’s manuscript, see Samuel Eliot Morison’s introduction in
OPP,
pp. xxvii–xl. On the various editions of Church’s narrative, see Dexter’s introduction to
EPRPW,
pp. vii–xiv. I have based my account of the legend of Maushop on five different versions collected in William Simmons’s
Spirit of the New England Tribes,
pp. 176–91. The earliest, recorded by Benjamin Basset in 1792, was told by the Wampanoag Thomas Cooper, whose Native grandmother had witnessed the arrival of the English on Martha’s Vineyard in 1643. The reference to Maushop beating his wife and children comes from an English writer who grew up on Martha’s Vineyard in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries and heard the legend from his Wampanoag nurse, p. 183. Maushop’s disappearance “nobody knew whither” was recorded by James Freeman in 1807, p. 178. I have written about how Native American legends reflect ever-changing historical truths in
Abram’s Eyes,
which provides a reading of the Native history of Nantucket through the legends of Maushop, pp. 13–15. On what happened to the Indians of New England after King Philip’s War, see Daniel Mandell’s
Behind the Frontier: Indians in Eighteenth-Century Eastern Massachusetts
and
After King Philip’s War: Presence and Persistence in Indian New England,
edited by Colin Calloway. After 1701, the Sakonnet Indians who had fought with Benjamin Church were granted 190 acres between Sakonnet and Assawompsett, in Mandell, p. 51. The population statistics for the Sakonnets in the eighteenth century come from Benjamin Wilbour’s
Notes on Little Compton,
p. 15.

On the travels of Plymouth Rock, see Francis Russell’s “The Pilgrims and the Rock,”
American Heritage,
October 1962, pp. 48–55. Jill Lepore writes of how the writings of Washington Irving and William Apess and the play
Meta-mora
reflected changing attitudes toward King Philip’s War in
The Name of War,
pp. 186–226. She also cites traditions concerning Massasoit’s descendant Simeon Simon during the American Revolution, p. 235. See E. B. Dimock’s article about Simon reprinted in the
Narragansett Dawn,
September 1935, pp. 110–11, and cited by Lepore. Records of Simon’s service throughout the war are at the National Archives in Washington, D.C. My thanks to Richard Peuser, the supervisory archivist for the Old Military and Civil Records, for bringing these documents to my attention. Ebenezer Peirce, no fan of Benjamin Church, writes gleefully of his traitorous grandson in
Indian History, Biography, and Genealogy
and adds, “Were we a Mather, doubtless we should say, ‘thus doth the Lord retaliate,’” p. 162. On the evolution of the myth of the Pilgrims, see James Deetz and Patricia Scott Deetz’s
The Times of their Lives,
pp. 10–25; John Seelye’s monumental
Memory’s Nation: The Place of Plymouth Rock;
and Joseph Conforti’s
Imagining New England,
pp. 171–96. James Baker in “Haunted by the Pilgrims” in
The Art and Mystery of Historical Archaeology: Essays in Honor of James Deetz,
edited by Anne Elizabeth Yentsch and Mary C. Beaudry, writes of how it was not until the early twentieth century that the First Thanksgiving “ousted the Landing and the older patriotic images from the popular consciousness” of the Pilgrims, pp. 350–51. E. J. V. Huiginn in
The Graves of Myles Standish and Other Pilgrims
writes of the 1891 exhumation of Standish’s grave, pp. 122–29, 159. My thanks to Carolyn Travers, research manager at Plimoth Plantation, for bringing this source to my attention. The statistics concerning the number of
Mayflower
descendants appear in “Beyond the
Mayflower
” by Cokie Roberts and Steven Roberts in
USA Weekend,
November 22–24, 2002, pp. 8–10. On the influence of Church’s narrative on the development of the American literary tradition, see Slotkin’s introduction in
So Dreadfull a Judgment,
pp. 386–90, and his
Regeneration through Violence,
pp. 146–79. On the creation and evolution of Plimoth Plantation, see the Deetzes’
The Times of Their Lives,
pp. 273–91. James Deetz claims that the evidence for the Clark garrison being located on the grounds of Plimoth Plantation is “practically conclusive” in “Archaeological Identification of the Site of the Eel River Massacre,” an unpublished paper at the Plimoth Plantation Library; my thanks to Carolyn Travers for bringing this document to my attention. In their introduction to Church’s narrative, the Simpsons write, “No one was less committed to a war of extermination than Benjamin Church,” p. 63. Church writes of Conscience in
EPRPW,
pp. 181–82.

Abbreviations

AAS American Antiquarian Society. Worcester, Massachusetts

CCR Colonial Connecticut Records

DSNEF The Dublin Seminar for New England Folklife Annual Proceedings,
edited by Peter Benes

MHS Massachusetts Historical Society

NEHGR New England Historical Genealogical Register

NEHGS New England Historic Genealogical Society

NEQ New England Quarterly

OIC
Old Indian Chronicle,
edited by Samuel Drake, 1867.

WMQ
William and Mary Quarterly

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———.
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———.
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———.
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———.
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