Hitler: Ascent, 1889-1939 (196 page)

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Authors: Volker Ullrich

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BOOK: Hitler: Ascent, 1889-1939
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31 
Longerich,
Politik der Vernichtung
, p. 173.

32 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 5, pp. 317 (entry for 25 May 1938), 325 (entry for 30 May 1938), 326 (entry for 31 May 1938).

33 
Ibid., pp. 329 (entry for 2 June 1938), 340 (entry for 11 June 1938).

34 
Report by the U.S. ambassador in Berlin to his Secretary of State, 22 June 1938;
Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden
, vol. 2, doc. 47, pp. 176–9 (quotations on pp. 177, 179). See the report by the Italian ambassador Bernardo Attolico of 21 June 1938; Bajohr and Strupp (eds),
Fremde Blicke auf das “Dritte Reich,
” pp. 483f.

35 
Bella Fromm,
Als Hitler mir die Hand küsste
, Berlin, 1993, p. 294 (entry for 28 June 1938). See also
Deutschland-Berichte der Sopade
, 5 (1938), pp. 755–61.

36 
Report by the SD-Hauptamt II 112 dated 1 July 1938; Kulka and Jäckel (eds),
Die Juden in den geheimen NS-Stimmungsberichten 1933–1945
, no. 332, p. 278.

37 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 5, p. 351 (entry for 19 June 1938). See further documents in Christian Faludi (ed.),
Die “Juni-Aktion” 1938: Eine Dokumentation zur Radikalisierung der Judenverfolgung
, Frankfurt am Main, 2013. On the so-called “anti-socials” action running parallel see
Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden
, vol. 2, doc. 39, pp. 160f.; Longerich,
Politik der Vernichtung
, pp. 175–7; Wildt,
Die Judenpolitik des SD 1933–1938
, p. 56.

38 
Text in
Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden
, vol. 2, doc. 48, pp. 180–2. See Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 5, p. 356 (entries for 22 and 23 June 1938).

39 
See Longerich:
“Davon haben wir nichts gewusst!”
, pp. 112–14;
idem
,
Joseph Goebbels: A Biography
, London, 2010, p. 383.

40 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 5, p. 393 (entry for 25 July 1938).

41 
Reprinted in
Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden
, vol. 2, doc. 68, pp. 234–43 (quotation on p. 234). See Longerich,
Politik der Vernichtung
, pp. 182f.

42 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 5, p. 396 (entry for 27 July 1938).

43 
Eduardo Labougle to Foreign Minister José María Cantilo, 13 Aug. 1938; Bajohr and Strupp (eds),
Fremde Blicke auf das “Dritte Reich,
” p. 488,

44 
Report by the SD-Hauptamt II 112 dated April and May 1938; Wildt,
Die Judenpolitik des SD 1933–1938
, doc. 29, p. 186.

45 
Quoted in Friedländer,
Das Dritte Reich und die Juden
, vol. 1, p. 270.

46 
Domarus,
Hitler
, vol. 1, part 2, p. 899.

47 
Quoted in Wildt,
Die Judenpolitik des SD 1933–1938
, p. 42. See on pp. 40–5 the section “SD and Palestine.”

48 
Quoted in Longerich,
“Davon haben wir nichts gewusst!”
, p. 115.

49 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 5, p. 256 (entry for 11 April 1938); see ibid., pp. 269f. (entry for 23 April 1938): “The Führer wants to deport all of them. Negotiate with Poland and Romania. Madagascar would be most suitable for them.” Hitler’s manservant Karl Krause remembered British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain asking during his visit to the Berghof in September 1938, “How does Herr Hitler intend to solve the Jewish question?” to which Hitler replied: “Britain’s global empire has enough islands! Make one of them available! All the Jews in the world could congregate there.” Karl Wilhelm Krause,
10 Jahre Kammerdiener bei Hitler
, Hamburg, 1949, p. 37.

50 
See Magnus Brechtken,
“Madagaskar für die Juden”: Antisemitische Idee und politische Praxis 1885–1945
, Munich, 1997, pp. 16f., 34f, 61f.

51 
Gerhard Engel,
Heeresadjutant bei Hitler 1938–1943
, ed. and annotated Hildegard von Kotze, Stuttgart, 1974, p. 31 (dated 13 Aug. 1938).

52 
Kulka and Jäckel (eds),
Die Juden in den geheimen NS-Stimmungsberichten 1933–1945
, no. 353, p. 297; Longerich,
Politik der Vernichtung
, pp. 193f.

53 
Cohn,
Kein Recht nirgends
, vol. 2, p. 533 (entry for 4 Nov. 1938).

54 
Quoted in Friedländer,
Das Dritte Reich und die Juden
, vol. 1, p. 290. See Trude Maurer, “Abschiebung und Attentat: Die Ausweisung der polnischen Juden und der Vorwand für die ‘Kristallnacht,’ ” in Pehle (ed.),
Der Judenpogrom 1938
, pp. 52–73; Hermann Graml,
Reichskristallnacht: Antisemitismus und Judenverfolgung im Dritten Reich
, Munich, 1988, pp. 9–12. Conclusive evidence is lacking for the suggestion that the attack had homosexual undertones, as suggested by Hans-Jürgen Döscher,
“Reichskristallnacht”: Die Novemberpogrome 1938
, Frankfurt am Main and Berlin, 1988, pp. 65f., 154ff.

55 
On this see Ralf Georg Reuth,
Goebbels
, Munich and Zurich, 1990, pp. 348–51, 388–90; Longerich,
Joseph Goebbels
, pp. 391–6.

56 
DNB circular, 7 Nov. 1938;
NS-Presseanweisungen der Vorkriegszeit: Edition und Dokumentation
, vol. 6, part 3, Munich, 1999, no. 3176, p. 1050. Also reprinted in Wolfgang Benz, “Der Novemberpogrom 1938,” in
idem
(ed.),
Die Juden in Deutschland 1933–1945: Leben unter nationalsozialistischer Herrschaft
, Munich, 1998, p. 506.

57 
Quoted in
Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden
, vol. 2, introduction, p. 53. See Benz, “Der Novemberprogrom 1938,” pp. 505f.; further voices from the press in Longerich,
“Davon haben wir nichts gewusst!”
, pp. 124f.

58 
Ruth Andreas-Friedrich,
Der Schattenmann: Tagebuchaufzeichnungen 1938–1945
, Frankfurt am Main, 1983, p. 26 (entry for 9 Nov. 1938).

59 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 6, p. 178 (entry for 9 Nov. 1938). On the outbursts in Hesse on 8/9 Nov. 1938 see Wildt,
Volksgemeinschaft als Selbstermächtigung
, pp. 320–4.

60 
See Friedländer,
Das Dritte Reich und die Juden
, vol. 1, p. 193.

61 
See Ulf Schmidt,
Hitlers Arzt Karl Brandt: Medizin und Macht im Dritten Reich
, Berlin, 2009, pp. 165f.; Döscher,
“Reichskristallnacht,
” p. 64; Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 6, p. 179 (entry for 10 Nov. 1938): “The condition…of Rath in Paris continues to be critical.”

62 
Nicolaus von Below,
Als Hitlers Adjutant 1937–1945
, Mainz, 1980, p. 136. Brandt’s official telegram to Hitler with the news of the death arrived in Berlin at 6:20 p.m. Facsimile in Döscher,
“Reichskristallnacht,
” p. 74. See Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 6, p. 180 (entry for 10 Nov. 1938): “In the afternoon, the death of the German diplomat Rath was announced.”

63 
As in Richard J. Evans,
The Third Reich in Power 1933–1939
, London, 2005, pp. 581f. A “careful staging” is also spoken of in Uwe Dietrich Adam, “Wie spontan war der Pogrom?,” in Pehle (ed.),
Der Judenpogrom 1938
, p. 92. See also Alan E. Steinweis,
Kristallnacht 1938: Ein deutscher Pogrom
, Stuttgart, 2011, pp. 47–53.

64 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 6, p. 180 (entry for 10 Nov. 1938).

65 
Report of the Supreme Party Court to Hermann Göring, 13 Feb. 1939;
Der Prozess gegen die Hauptkriegsverbrecher vor dem Internationalen Militärtribunal in Nürnberg (IMT),
Nuremberg, 1947–9, vol. 32, doc. 3063-PS, p. 21. See Benz,
Der Novemberpogrom 1938
, p. 510.

66 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 6, p. 180 (entry for 10 Nov. 1938).

67 
Ibid., pp. 180f. (entry for 10 Nov. 1938). On the role of the “Storm Troop Adolf Hitler” see Angela Hermann, “Hitler und sein Stosstrupp in der ‘Reichskristallnacht,’ ” in
Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte
, 56 (2008), pp. 603–19, particularly pp. 611–17.

68 
Text in
Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden
, vol. 2, doc. 125, pp. 366f.; see Gerwarth,
Reinhard Heydrich
, p. 160.

69 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 6, p. 181 (entry for 10 Nov. 1938): “The Führer has ordered that 25,000–30,000 Jews be immediately arrested. That will leave an impression.”

70 
Text in
Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden
, vol. 2, doc. 126, pp. 367f.; see Gerwarth,
Reinhard Heydrich
, p. 160.

71 
On what happened during the pogrom see Dieter Obst,
“Reichskristallnacht”: Ursachen und Verlauf des antisemitischen Pogroms vom November 1938
, Frankfurt am Main, 1991, pp. 102ff.; Graml,
Reichskristallnacht
, pp. 22ff.

72 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 6, pp. 181f. (entries for 10 and 11 Nov. 1938).

73 
Quoted in Obst,
“Reichskristallnacht,
” p. 94.

74 
See Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 6, p. 182 (entry for 11 Nov. 1938): “I reported to the Führer in the Osteria…With a few small amendments, the Führer approved my decree concerning the discontinuation of the campaigns.”

75 
Quoted in Longerich,
“Davon haben wir nichts gewusst!”
, p. 125. See pp. 126f. for reports from German newspapers. Further voices from the press in Benz,
Der Novemberpogrom 1938
, pp. 515–19.

76 
Domarus,
Hitler
, vol. 1, part 2, pp. 973, 978. In response to critical remarks made by Winifred Wagner, Hitler answered: “Something like this had to happen to finally drive the Jews from Germany.” Hitler denied to the Wagner children that he had anything to do with the pogrom. Brigitte Hamann,
Winifred Wagner oder Hitlers Bayreuth
, Munich and Zurich, 2002, p. 380.

77 
Report by the SD-Hauptamt II 112, 7 Dec. 1938; Kulka and Jäckel (eds),
Die Juden in den geheimen NS-Stimmungsberichten 1933–1945
, no. 356, pp. 304–9; Longerich,
Politik der Vernichtung
, pp. 203f.; Evans,
The Third Reich in Power
, pp. 585, 590; Hermann, “Hitler und sein Stosstrupp,” pp. 608f.

78 
As in Friedländer,
Das Dritte Reich und die Juden
, vol. 1, p. 299.

79 
Ute Gerhardt and Thomas Karlauf (eds),
Nie mehr zurück in dieses Land: Augenzeugen berichten über die Novemberpogrome 1938
, Berlin, 2009, p. 139. For more on the demeaning rituals see Obst,
“Reichskristallnacht,
” pp. 279–307. See also Wildt,
Volksgemeinschaft als Selbstermächtigung
, pp. 345f.; Longerich,
Politik der Vernichtung
, pp. 203f.; Evans,
The Third Reich in Power
, pp. 590f. The governmental president of Lower Bavaria and the Upper Palatinate wrote on 8 Dec. 1938: “On the morning of 10 November in Regensburg, prior to their deportation, the men were led in closed ranks through the city. They were forced to carry a sign that read ‘The Jews are moving out.’ ” Kulka and Jäckel (eds),
Die Juden in den geheimen NS-Stimmungsberichten 1933–1945
, no. 377, p. 329.

80 
Report by Karl E. Schwab; Gerhardt and Karlauf (eds),
Nie mehr zurück in dieses Land
, p. 142. See also ibid., pp. 163–88, for the report by Karl Rosenthal, Rabbi of the Berlin Reform Congregation. Further reports in Ben Barkow, Raphael Gross and Michael Lenarz (eds),
Novemberpogrom 1938: Die Augenzeugenberichte der Wiener Library
, London and Frankfurt am Main, 2008, pp. 485–654.

81 
Klemperer,
Tagebücher 1933–1941
, p. 443 (entry for 6 Dec. 1938).

82 
Gerhardt and Karlauf (eds),
Nie mehr zurück in dieses Land
, p. 37.

83 
Ibid., p. 215. On experiencing the absolute violence and the absolute powerlessness see Wildt,
Volksgemeinschaft als Selbstermächtigung
, p. 347. See also Benz,
Der Novemberpogrom 1938
, p. 498 (“Rückfall in die Barbarei”).

84 
Kulka and Jäckel (eds),
Die Juden in den geheimen NS-Stimmungsberichten 1933–1945
, no. 369, p. 324.

85 
Ibid., no. 356, pp. 304f.

86 
Feliks Chiczewski to the Polish ambassador in Berlin, 12 Nov. 1938; Bajohr and Strupp (eds),
Fremde Blicke auf das “Dritte Reich,
” p. 503.

87 
Kulka and Jäckel (eds),
Die Juden in den geheimen NS-Stimmungsberichten 1933–1945
, no. 356, p. 305.

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