Hitler: Ascent, 1889-1939 (177 page)

141 
Quoted in Wildt,
Volksgemeinschaft als Selbstermächtigung
, p. 108.

142 
See the article in the
New York Times
of 27 March 1933; reprinted in
Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden durch das nationalsozialistische Deutschland 1933–1945. Vol. 1: Deutsches Reich 1933–1937
, ed. Wolf Gruner, Munich, 2008, doc. 14, pp. 92–7.

143 
See Eckart Conze, Norbert Frei, Peter Hayes and Moshe Zimmermann,
Das Amt und die Vergangenheit: Deutsche Diplomaten im Dritten Reich und in der Bundesrepublik
, Munich, 2010, pp. 25–9.

144 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 2/3, p. 156 (entry for 27 March 1933). See
ibid
, p. 157 (entry for 28 March 1933): “I dictated a strongly worded appeal to counteract the horrific campaign by the Jews. The mere announcement of this appeal caused that
mishpoke
to buckle. This is the way to deal with them.”

145 
Reprinted in
Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden
, vol. 1, doc. 17, pp. 100–4 (quotations on pp. 102f.).

146 
Cabinet meeting on 29 March 1933;
Die Regierung Hitler
, part 1, vol. 1, no. 78, pp. 270f.

147 
Cabinet meeting on 31 March 1933; ibid., no. 80, pp. 276f.

148 
Quoted in Gianluca Falanga,
Mussolinis Vorposten in Hitlers Reich: Italiens Politik in Berlin 1933–1945
, Berlin, 2008, p. 27.

149 
Haffner,
Die Geschichte eines Deutschen
, pp. 154f.

150 
Ibid., p. 138.

151 
Rumbold’s report to Foreign Secretay Simon, 13 April 1933; Becker,
Hitlers Machtergreifung
, p. 232. See also the report from U.S. Consul General George S. Messersmith of 3 April 1933: “The boycott was not generally popular with the German people according to the best information which the Consulate General can secure up to this time…This is no indication that the feeling against the Jews has in any sense died down, but merely that the popular opinion does not approve of a measure which even the man in the street realizes may be destructive of the internal economic life and seriously affect Germany’s foreign trade.” Bajohr and Strupp (eds),
Fremde Blicke auf das “Dritte Reich,
” p. 364.

152 
For a summary of the public’s reaction see Hannah Ahlheim,
“Deutsche, kauft nicht bei Juden!” Antisemitischer Boykott in Deutschland 1924 bis 1935
, Göttingen, 2011, pp. 254–62.

153 
Klemperer,
Tagebücher 1933–1941
, p. 15 (entry for 30 March 1933). See Willy Cohn,
Kein Recht, nirgends: Tagebuch vom Untergang des Breslauer Judentums 1933–1941
, ed. Norbert Conrads, Cologne, Weimar and Berlin, 2006, p. 25 (entry for 1 April 1933): “the Dark Ages.” Kurt F. Rosenberg:
“Einer, der nicht mehr dazugehört”: Tagebücher 1933–1937
, ed. Beate Meyer and Björn Siegel, Göttingen, 2012, p. 89 (entry for 1 May 1933): “Is that the people of poets and thinkers? We were proud to be part of it and give it our strength and best intentions.”

154 
Kessler,
Das Tagebuch
, vol. 9, p. 554 (entry for 1 April 1933). In a letter of 1 April 1933 Theodor Heuss called the “boycott” on the streets of Berlin “nothing other than shameful”;
In der Defensive
, p. 132.

155 
See Longerich,
Politik der Vernichtung
, pp. 39–41; Wildt,
Volksgemeinschaft als Selbstermächtigung
, pp. 158ff.

156 
Text in
Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden
, vol. 1, doc. 29, pp. 130–4.

157 
Hindenburg to Hitler, 4 April 1932; Hubatsch,
Hindenburg und der Staat
, pp. 375f.

158 
Hindenburg to Prince Carl of Sweden, 26 April 1933;
Die Regierung Hitler
, part 1, vol. 1, no. 109, pp. 391f.; see
Hitlers Tischgespräche
, p. 330 (dated 21 May 1942).

159 
Hitler to Hindenburg, 5 April 1933; Hubatsch,
Hindenburg und der Staat
, pp. 376–8.

160 
See Longerich,
Politik der Vernichtung
, p. 41–5; Friedländer,
Das Dritte Reich und die Juden
, vol. 1, pp. 40–3.

161 
Harold James, “Die Deutsche Bank und die Diktatur 1933–1945,” in Lothar Gall
et al.
,
Die Deutsche Bank 1870–1995
, Munich, 1995, p. 337. See Friedländer,
Das Dritte Reich und die Juden
, vol. 1, p. 46.

162 
On the following see Volker Ullrich, “Anpassung um jeden Preis? Die Kapitualition der deutschen Gewerkschaften 1932/33,” in Inge Marssolek and Till Schelz-Brandenburg (eds),
Soziale Demokratie und sozialistische Theorie: Festschrift für Hans-Josef Steinberg zum 60. Geburtstag
, Bremen, 1995, pp. 245–55.

163 
Peter Jahn (ed.),
Die Gewerkschaften in der Endphase der Republik 1930–1933
, Cologne, 1988, doc. 189, pp. 865–7.

164 
Ibid., doc. 197, pp. 881f.

165 
Leipart to Hindenburg, 10 March 1933;
Die Regierung Hitler
, part 1, vol. 1, no. 53, pp. 188f. On SA violence against unions see Michael Schneider,
Unterm Hakenkreuz: Arbeiter und Arbeiterbewegung 1933 bis 1939
, Bonn, 1999, pp. 61–5.

166 
Cabinet meeting on 24 March 1933;
Die Regierung Hitler
, part 1, vol. 1, no. 72, p. 252. See Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 2/3, p. 155 (entry for 25 March 1933): “I managed to get 1 May approved as a national holiday. The cabinet gave me a mandate to see that it is put into practice. I’m going to make it huge.” On 7 April 1933, the cabinet passed a draft law concerning the “The Holiday of National Labour.” See
Die Regierung Hitler
, no. 93, pp. 311f.

167 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 2/3, p. 170 (entry for 18 April 1933).

168 
Jahn,
Die Gewerkschaften in der Endphase der Republik
, doc. 206, pp. 898–200.

169 
Ibid., doc. 204, p. 897.

170 
See Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 2/3, p. 177 (entry for 30 April 1933): “Tempelhof. Gigantic facilities. Unprecedented. This will be a unique mass event.” On the May 1933 holiday see Peter Fritzsche,
Wie aus Deutsche Nazis wurden
, Zurich and Munich, 1999, pp. 229ff.

171 
Domarus,
Hitler
, vol. 1, part 1, pp. 259–64.

172 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 2/3, p. 179 (entry for 2 May 1933); François-Poncet,
Als Botschafter in Berlin
, pp. 115f.

173 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 2/3, p. 179 (entry for 3 May 1933).

174 
See Ronald Smelser,
Robert Ley: Hitlers Mann an der “Arbeitsfront,
” Potsdam, 1989, pp. 134ff.

175 
See Broszat,
Der Staat Hitlers
, pp. 185–90; Frei,
Der Führerstaat
, p. 74.

176 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 2/3, p. 200 (entry for 3 June 1933).

177 
Die Regierung Hitler
, part 1, vol. 1, no. 165, pp. 575–7. On the end of the SPD see Erich Matthias, “Die Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands,” in
idem
and Rudolf Morsey (eds),
Das Ende der Parteien 1933
, Düsseldorf, 1960, pp. 168–75, 180–7; Winkler,
Der Weg in die Katastrophe
, particularly pp. 915–18; 923–5, 929–49.

178 
Quoted in Winkler,
Der Weg in die Katastrophe
, p. 947. On the “Köpenick Blood Week” see Richard J. Evans,
The Third Reich in Power
, London, 2005, p. 21.

179 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 2/4, p. 213 (entry for 23 June 1933).

180 
On the end of the German State Party and the German People’s Party see Erich Matthias and Rudolf Morsey, “Die Deutsche Staatspartei,” in
idem
,
Das Ende der Parteien
, pp. 65–72; Ludwig Richter,
Die Deutsche Volkspartei 1918–1933
, Düsseldorf, 2002, pp. 801–20.

181 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 2/3, p. 176 (entry for 28 April 1933), p. 212 (entry for 22 June 1933). On 7 Nov. 1935, Hitler declared the Stahlhelm, which had continued to exist as a “traditional association,” dissolved. See the draft of the letter (with Hitler’s handwritten corrections) in BA Berlin-Lichterfelde, NS 10/123. See also the minutes of the meeting between Hitler and Seldte in Haus Wachenfeld on 12 Aug. 1935 with reference to the future of the Stahlhelm; BA Berlin-Lichterfelde, NS 10/30.

182 
Minutes of Hindenburg’s meeting with Hugenberg and Winterfeld, 17 May 1933; BA Koblenz, N 1231/38. On the attacks on DNVP centres see Beck,
The Fateful Alliance
, pp. 228–43.

183 
Cabinet meeting on 27 June 1933;
Die Regierung Hitler
, part 1, vol. 1, no. 170, p. 601. On Hugenberg’s resignation and the dissolution of the German National Front see Beck,
The Fateful Alliance
, pp. 283–93.

184 
Kessler,
Das Tagebuch
, vol. 9, p. 596 (entry for 28 June 1933).

185 
Hugenberg to Hitler, 13 Sept. 1933; Hitler to Hugenberg, 24 Dec. 1933; Hugenberg to Hitler, 26 Jan. 1934; BA Koblenz, N 1231/37.

186 
Die Regierung Hitler
, part 1, vol. 1, no. 170, p. 601; no. 175, p. 609.

187 
Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 2/3, p. 217 (entry for 28 June 1933), p. 218 (entry for 29 June 1933).

188 
See ibid., p. 219 (entry for 1 July 1933): “Centre Party wants to dissolve, but only under the same conditions as the DNVP. Rejected. The party should be broken!” On the end of the Centre Party see Rudolf Morsey, “Die deutsche Zentrumspartei,” in Matthias and Morsey,
Das Ende der Parteien
, pp. 377–404; Winfried Becker, “Die Deutsche Zentrumspartei gegenüber dem Nationalsozialismus und dem Reichskonkordat 1930–1933,” in
Historisch-Politische Mitteilungen
, 7 (2000), pp. 1–37.

189 
See Martina Steber, “…dass der Partei nicht nur äussere, sondern auch innere Gefahren drohen”: Die Bayerische Volkspartei im Jahr 1933,” in Wirsching (ed.),
Das Jahr 1933
, pp. 70–91.

190 
Cabinet meeting on 14 July 1933;
Die Regierung Hitler
, part 1, vol. 1, no. 193, pp. 661f. Wording in Sösemann,
Propaganda
, vol. 1, p. 133.

191 
Swiss chargé d’affaires Hans Frölicher to Federal Counsellor Giuseppe Motta, 7 July 1933; Bajohr and Strupp (eds),
Fremde Blicke auf das “Dritte Reich,
” p. 382.

192 
Report by François-Poncet to Foreign Minister Paul Boncour, 4 July 1933; Becker,
Hitlers Machtergreifung
, pp. 365f.

193 
Heuss,
In der Defensive
, p. 163 (entry for 25 June 1933). See Rosenberg,
Tagebücher 1933–1937
, p. 97 (entry for 7 May 1933): “Everything is in flux. One event follows the next. No one knows what tomorrow will look like.”

194 
Haffner,
Geschichte eines Deutschen
, p. 186.

195 
Klemperer,
Tagebücher 1933–1941
, p. 39 (entry for 9 July 1933).

196 
Die Regierung Hitler
, part 1, vol. 1, no. 75, pp. 260f.

197 
Quoted in Pyta, “Geteiltes Charisma,” p. 57.

198 
Ebermayer,
Denn heute gehört uns Deutschland
, p. 33 (dated 28 Feb. 1933).

199 
Kessler,
Das Tagebuch
, vol. 9, p. 551 (entry for 7 March 1933).

200 
Thomas Mann,
Tagebücher 1933–1934
, ed. Peter de Mendelssohn, Frankfurt am Main, 1977, p. 52 (entry for 20 April 1933).

201 
See Haffner,
Geschichte eines Deutschen
, particularly pp. 139f.

202 
Wehler,
Deutsche Gesellschaftsgeschichte 1914–1949
, pp. 601–3. See also Horst Möller, “Die nationalsozialistische Machtergreifung: Konterrevolution oder Revolution?,” in
Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte
, 31 (1983), pp. 25–51. Möller (p. 50) also sees the “ambition to control broad areas of the total reality of life in the Nazi state” as an indication of the regime’s “revolutionary character.”

203 
Domarus,
Hitler
, vol. 1, part 1, p. 286. See also minutes of the Reich governors’ conference on 6 July 1933 (probably based on the notes by Reich Governor Ritter von Epp) in
Die Regierung Hitler
, part 1, vol. 1, no. 180, pp. 629–36: “Revolution cannot be a permanent state…further development must take the form of evolution” (p. 631). See also Hitler’s decree about the powers of Reich Governor Ritter von Epp of 6 July 1933; BA Koblenz, N 1101/95.

204 
Becker,
Hitlers Machtergreifung
, p. 340.