Hitler: Ascent, 1889-1939 (148 page)

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Authors: Volker Ullrich

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BOOK: Hitler: Ascent, 1889-1939
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96 
For a summary of the contents, see Tyrell,
Vom “Trommler” zum “Führer,
” pp. 111–16. Dickel was an adherent of Otto Damaschke’s ideas for land reform and had established a housing project for workers in the moorlands near Augsburg, which he named Dickelsmoor. See Franz Maria Müller, “Wie Hitler Ausburg eroberte. Erlebnisbericht aus der Frühzeit der nationalsozialistischen Bewegung” (undated, post-1945); IfZ München, MS 570.

97 
Tyrell,
Vom “Trommler” zum “Führer
,” pp. 119f.

98 
Ibid., pp. 121f.

99 
Hitler,
Sämtliche Aufzeichnungen
, no. 338, p. 539 (dated 5 Jan. 1922). For Hitler’s hatred towards education professionals see Otto Wagener,
Hitler aus nächster Nähe: Aufzeichnungen eines Vertrauten 1929–1932
, ed. Henry A. Turner, Frankfurt am Main, Berlin and Vienna, 1978, p. 57.

100 
Ian Kershaw,
Hitler 1889–1936: Hubris
, London, 1998, p. 163.

101 
Hitler,
Sämtliche Aufzeichnungen
, no. 262, pp. 436–8 (dated p. 438).

102 
Quoted in Tyrell,
Vom “Trommler” zum “Führer,
” p. 128. Committee member Benedict Angermeier resigned in protest over Hitler being named NSDAP party chairman. See the testimony of his sons Paul and Kurt Angermeier, 22 Jan. 1952; IfZ München, ZS 20.

103 
Reprinted in Deuerlein,
Aufstieg
, pp. 138–40.

104 
Quoted in Maser,
Frühgeschichte
, p. 276.

105 
On the party conference of 29 July 1921 see Hitler,
Sämtliche Aufzeichnungen
, no. 269, pp. 447–9, no. 270, pp. 449f. NSDAP Vice-Chairman Oskar Körner reported on 4 Aug. 1921 to Gustav Seifert (Hanover): “All existing misunderstandings within the party, which were caused by external elements, have been completely eradicated.” IfZ München, MA 736/141.

106 
On the party charter of 29 July 1921 see Tyrell,
Vom “Trommler” zum “Führer
, pp. 132–50.

107 
Quoted in Maser,
Frühgeschichte
, p. 280.

108 
Quoted in ibid., p. 281.

109 
See Emil Maurice’s affidavit on 16 March 1946; IfZ München, ZS 270. On the creation of the SA see Peter Longerich,
Die braunen Bataillone: Geschichte der SA
, Munich, 1989, pp. 22–5. The founding proclamation is reprinted in Deuerlein,
Aufstieg
, p. 144.

110 
On Röhm see Longerich,
Die braunen Bataillone
, pp. 15–22.

111 
Hitler,
Sämtliche Aufzeichnungen
, no. 301, p. 499 (dated 5 Oct. 1921).

112 
On the violent attacks on Jews in Munich see Walter,
Antisemitische Kriminalität
, pp. 97ff.

113 
Hitler,
Monologe
, pp. 122f. (dated 2 Nov. 1941). See also ibid., p. 146 (dated 30 Nov 1941): “I could only use people who knew how to brawl.”

114 
See a report on this meeting in Deuerlein,
Aufstieg
, pp. 145f.

115 
Rudolf Hess to Klara and Fritz Hess dated 7 July 1922; Hess,
Briefe
, p. 291.

116 
Deuerlein,
Aufstieg
, p. 147.

117 
Hitler,
Mein Kampf
, pp. 563–7 (quote on p. 567). See also the report on the meeting in Hitler,
Sämtliche Aufzeichnungen
, no. 316, pp. 515–17 (dated 12 Nov. 1921).

118 
Fest,
Hitler
, p. 211.

119 
Large,
Where Ghosts Walked
, p. 144f. See also the Austrian consul general to Munich’s report in Deuerlein,
Aufstieg
, pp. 153f.

120 
Hitler,
Sämtliche Aufzeichnungen
, no. 399, p. 679 (dated 16 Aug. 1922). A further demonstration planned for 25 Aug. on Königsplatz was banned. See diaries of G. Feder, vol. 4 (entry for 25 Aug. 1923); IfZ München, ED 874.

121 
Hitler,
Mein Kampf
, p. 615. See also Hitler,
Monologe
, pp. 144f (entry for 30 Nov. 1941): “As soon as we were outside, we gave them such a hiding that the street was clear within ten minutes.”

122 
See the overview provided in Maser,
Frühgeschichte
, pp. 320f.

123 
See Auerbach, “Hitlers Lehrjahre,” p. 36; Pätzold and Weissbecker,
Geschichte der NSDAP
, p. 67; Deuerlein,
Aufstieg
, p. 157.

124 
See Michael H. Kater, “Zur Soziologie der frühen NSDAP,” in
Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte
, 19 (1971), pp. 124–59 (these figures on p. 139).

125 
See Heusler,
Das Braune Haus
, p. 120.

126 
Hitler,
Sämtliche Aufzeichnungen
, no. 116, p. 156 (dated 3 June 1920). See also
Tischgespräche
, p. 204 (dated 8 April 1942): “The entire initial years of the time of struggle were aimed at winning over workers for the NSDAP.”

127 
Notes by Rudolf Hess, “Der Nationalsozialismus in München” (undated, 1922); BA Berlin-Lichterfelde, NS 6/71.

128 
From the transcript of the Reicherts’ daughter Antonie Reichert’s questioning on 20 June and 9 Sept. 1952; IfZ München 287; see Hanfstaengl,
Zwischen Weissem und Braunem Haus
, p. 53.

129 
See Toland,
Adolf Hitler: Volume 1
, p. 142f. (based on Helene Hanfstaengl’s recollections).

130 
See Hanfstaengl,
Zwischen Weissem und Braunem Haus
, pp. 42f.; David G. Maxwell, “Ernst Hanfstaengl—Des ‘Führers’ Klavierspieler,” in Ronald Smelser, Enrico Syring and Rainer Zitelmann (eds),
Die braune Elite II: 21 weitere biographische Skizzen
, Darmstadt, 1993, pp. 137–49. Peter Conradi’s biography,
Hitlers Klavierspieler: Ernst Hanfstaengl—Vertrauter Hitlers, Verbündeter Roosevelts
, Frankfurt am Main, 2007, is little more than a paraphrasing of Hanfstaengl’s memoirs.

131 
Hanfstaengl,
Zwischen Weissem und Braunem Haus
, p. 52.

132 
Ibid., pp. 52f. For further books in Hitler’s library at the Thierschstrasse residence, among them Einhart’s
German History
(the pseudonym of Pan-German Heinrich Class), see Ryback,
Hitler’s Private Library
, pp. 49–51. Antonie Reichert said that Hitler owned “a lot of architectural literature” as well as a gramophone and a collection of Richard Wagner records; IfZ München, ZS 287.

133 
Hanfstaengl,
Zwischen Weissem und Braunem Haus
, p. 55

134 
Hitler,
Sämtliche Aufzeichnungen
, no. 188, p. 303 (dated 27 Jan. 1921). See also Heiden,
Hitler: Das Zeitalter der Verantwortungslosigkeit
, p. 109; Maser,
Frühgeschichte
, pp. 282–4. Less enlightening is Wulf C. Schwarzwäller,
Hitlers Geld: Vom armen Kunstmaler zum millionenschweren Führer
, Vienna, 1998, pp. 32f.

135 
On 12 April 1923, during the period of hyper-inflation, the Willi Bruss Bank in Berlin transferred to Hitler’s account a “donation in support of your anti-Semitic efforts” of 200,000 reichsmarks. BA Koblenz, N 112 8/7. See also documents concerning further donations in 1923. The chairman of the Pan-Germanic League, Heinrich Class, gave 3,000 marks in August 1920 and also supported Hitler financially in the years that followed. See Leicht,
Heinrich Class
, pp. 286f.

136 
Handwritten letter from Hermine Hoffmann to Hitler; BA Koblenz, N 1128/5. On 11 July 1938, Hermine Hoffmann’s 81st birthday, Hitler visited her in Solln, bringing flowers and liqueur. See the daily notes of SS Untersturmführer Max Wünsche, 11 July 1938; BA Berlin-Lichterfelde, NS 10/125. See also Hitler,
Monologe
, p. 315, dated 10/11 March 1942): “Of all my maternal friends, only old Mrs. Hoffmann was unfailingly solicitous.” On Hitler’s relationship with Hermine Hoffmann, see also Martha Schad: “Above all, his eyes are extraordinarily compelling.” “Freundinnen und Verehrerinnen,” in, Ulrike Leutheusser (ed.),
Hitler und die Frauen
, Munich, 2003, pp. 30–2; Anton Joachimsthaler,
Hitlers Liste: Ein Dokument persönlicher Beziehungen
, Munich, 2003, pp. 130–5.

137 
Hitler’s postcards to Dora and Theodor Lauböck in BA Berlin-Lichterfelde, NS 26/1242 and IfZ München, ED 100/86. Also reprinted in Hitler,
Sämtliche Aufzeichnungen
, no. 152, p. 248, no. 156, p. 246, no. 304, p. 503, no. 373, p. 598. The Lauböcks also maintained a relationship with Hitler’s sister, Paula. See the undated postcard from Dora Lauböck to Hitler with a handwritten postscript from Paula Hitler; BA Berlin-Lichterfelde, NS 26/1242. On Christmas 1922 see the entry in the guest book; IfZ München ED 100/86; also in Joachimsthaler,
Hitlers Liste
, p. 219. On Fritz Lauböck’s employment as Hitler’s private secretary see his records on incoming and outgoing letters between May and the end of Oct. 1923; BA Koblenz, N 1128/29. On 17 April 1937 Fritz and Dora Lauböck gave their collected documents and papers to the Hauptarchiv der NSDAP; BA Berlin-Lichterfelde, NS 26/1242.

138 
See for example the payment reminder from the Munich printers M. Müller & Sohn to the
Völkischer Beobachter
, Franz Eher Nachf., 22 May 1923. According to it, the newspaper’s account was 73 million marks in the red and had therefore exceeded its credit of 30 million by 43 million marks. That very day, the business director of the
Beobachter
, Josef Pickl, asked Hitler for help in raising a large sum of money to pay off its debts. BA Koblenz, N 1128/6 and N 1128/8.

139 
See Gottfried Grandel to Hitler, 27 Oct. 1920 (on the financial situation of the
Völkischer Beobachter
); BA Koblenz, N 1128/2; Franz Maria Müller, “Wie Hitler Augsburg eroberte” (undated, post-1945); IfZ München, MS 570.

140 
Emil Gansser to Karl Burhenne, 8 March 1922, with enclosed note on the Hitler movement; BA Berlin-Lichterfelde, NS 26/1223.

141 
See the invitation to Hitler’s talk dated 26 May 1922 from E. Gansser; BA Berlin-Lichterfelde, NS 26/1223. For the content of the talk see Hitler,
Sämtliche Aufzeichnungen
no. 387, pp. 642f. See also Wilhelm Weicher’s recollections, “Wie ich Adolf Hitler kennenlernte,” in
Der Türmer
36 (April 1934): “A lot of prophets stood up to speak in those heady days. I heard most of them, but none captivated me as much as Adolf Hitler.” BA Berlin-Lichterfelde, NS 26/1223; Hanfstaengl’s note on a telephone call with Emil Gansser in the spring of 1923; BSB München, Nl Hanfstaengl Ana 405, Box 25. On Hitler’s entrance see Henry A. Turner,
Die Grossunternehmer und der Aufstieg Hitlers
, Berlin, 1986, p. 68f.

142 
See ibid., pp. 70f; on Richard Franck see Hitler,
Monologe
, p. 208 (dated 16/17 Jan. 1942), p. 257 (dated 3 Feb. 1942).

143 
Quoted in Brigitte Hamann,
Winifred Wagner oder Hitlers Bayreuth
, Munich and Zurich, 2002, p. 75. On Hitler’s trip to Switzerland in the summer of 1923 see Raffael Scheck, “Swiss Funding for the Early Nazi Movement,” in
Journal of Modern History
, 91 (1999), pp. 793–813; Alexis Schwarzenbach, “Zur Lage in Deutschland: Hitlers Zürcher Rede vom 30 Aug. 1923,” in
Traverse
2006/1, pp. 178–89. On Rudolf Hess’s stay in Switzerland in the spring of 1922 see his letters to Ilse Pröhl, dated 17 March and 4 April 1922; BA Bern, Nl Hess, J1.211-1989/148, 29. In Oct. 1922 Hess and Dietrich Eckart accepted an invitation to the Willeses’ country house near Zurich; Hess to Ilse Pröhl, 31 Oct. 1922; ibid. Hitler only told Hess of his own journey to Switzerland when they were imprisoned together at Landsberg: “It was a pleasure to hear him talk so excitedly of his impressions of his first journey outside Germany and Austria.” Hess to Ilse Pröhl, 18 May 1924; BA Bern, Nl Hess, J1.211-1989/148, 33. Hitler’s passport, issued on 13 Aug. 1923, stamped with the date of entry into Switzerland of 26 Aug. 1923; BayHStA München, Nl Adolf Hitler. In his communications with Ralph Engelmann of 5 March 1970, Hermann Esser confirmed that Emil Gansser had established connection to Switzerland; BayHStA München, Nl Esser.

144 
Hanfstaengl’s unpublished memoirs, p. 32; BSB München, Nl Hanfstaengl Ana 405, Box 47. See also Hanfstaengl,
Zwischen Weissem und Braunem Haus
, p. 99: “Like a will-o’-wisp, he appears first here, then there, only to disappear a moment later.”

145 
Gottfried Feder to “my dear Herr Hitler,” 10 Aug. 1923 (which ended: “With a heartfelt greeting of Heil and in full confidence”); IfZ München, ED 100/86.

146 
Hanfstaengl,
Zwischen Weissem und Braunem Haus
, p. 44.

147 
Large,
Where Ghosts Walked
, p. 154. See Markus Schiefer, “Vom ‘Blauen Bock’ in die Residenz—Christian Weber,” in Marita Krauss (ed.),
Rechte Karrieren in München: Von der Weimarer Zeit bis in die Nachkriegsjahre
, Munich, 2010, pp. 152–65 (particularly pp. 155f.).

148 
Martin Broszat,
Der Staat Hitlers: Grundlegung und Entwicklung seiner inneren Verfassung
, Munich, 1969, p. 66. See Hanfstaengl’s note “A. H.—Stammcafé Heck”; BSB München, Nl Hanfstaengl Ana 405, Box 26.

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