Hara-Kiri: Japanese Ritual Suicide (7 page)

*
The reason why this portentous notice was forwarded at night is that it was believed that such news of doom should not defile the morning (or auspicious) hours of the day.

*
It was customary for samurai to carry two swords, one long and one short.

IV

SEPPUKU & SHINJU

Definition of Double Suicide

S
HINJU
in Japanese literally means "inside the heart." More fully, it implies that if the heart were cut open, there would be found only devotion to one's lover; thus, "revealing-the-heart death."

To understand this particular method of self-destruction, it must first be noted that it was an age when contact between men and women was almost completely banned, except in the case of married couples. This was an unwritten law, and both samurai and commoners were under irresistible social pressure to obey it. The function of the woman was not to make love or have romance, but to give birth to heirs of the family. Hence, the vulgar saying: "The womb of a woman is a borrowable vessel." It is curious that such a vulgarity originated under these conditions of stern separation of male from female. Confucianism was responsible for bringing forth such a social ethic. Confucianism teaches, "The male and female shalt not sit together even at the seventh year." The whole relation between men and women was colored with this concept. Under the iron rule of feudalism, it was unalterable. Romance or elopement could mean death by fire or crucifixion. Such a social system sooner or later had to produce violent reactions.

In
Tale of the Genji
written by Lady Murasaki a thousand years ago, there were numerous stories of romance enjoyed by the Japanese of those days before the influence of Confucianism began to be felt. But, in the Edo Period, the only place where one could have free contact with women were the officially licensed gay quarters called
yukaku,
wherein the women were owned by the establishment or "house" and could be visited after payment of a fee. Even in such quarters, only sex—not love—was allowed. However, it sometimes did happen that men and women fell in love, even in houses of ill-fame. When such girls fell in love, they secretly sent letters protesting their devotions to their sweethearts or tried to demonstrate their feelings by avoiding carnal intercourse with other guests or even sometimes cutting off their little fingers and sending them as tokens of their love.

Sometimes, when their love was thwarted at every turn, the lovers resorted to suicide to "reveal the heart." Properly, the word was
shinju-shi,
but
shi,
meaning "death," came to be omitted. This manner of suicide spread among the townspeople very quickly, and the latter part of the Edo Period came to be characterized by this phenomenon. Many stories of
shinju
remain to this day in the form of novels, dramas, and songs.

Comparison of Seppuku and Shinju

It would be a misinterpretation to think that
shinju
was the
choniris
imitation of the samurai's seppuku. There is considerable antithesis therein.

The age was outgrowing seppuku and much that it stood for. Feudalism remained as a meaningless formalism that was suffocatingly inhuman. Voices of opposition from the common people began to make themselves heard. They were under the subjugation of the sword but they were learning that no power on earth has any control over death. The common people found a certain elevation of apperception was required to commit
shinju
and a new truth was discovered in so doing. The
chonin
were finding in
shinju
what the samurai had found in committing seppuku: the sense of joyful fulfillment in sacrificing one's life for an ideal, however mistaken or foolish that ideal might be. They were finding in
shinju
a worthwhile dqath.

Shinju
came to be praised and exalted in the literature of the day. In a sense,
shinju
served to expose the shallowness and excessive formality of seppuku and hastened its end.

The adherents of seppuku brought forth the following arguments to show the superiority of seppuku over
shinju:

1. Seppuku required an admirable mental attitude of composure, while the approach to
shinju
was characterized by faltering and hesitation.

2. The seppuku knife was the sacred emblem of the samurai spirit, while the "weapon" used to bring about
shinju
was often only the red cord women used to tie around their waists. (This was used to tie the two lovers together when they threw themselves into rivers, waterfalls, or the sea.)

3.
Shinju
was often prompted by the exposure of the ignoble crime of adultery.

4.
Shinju
was often an escape, a fleeing from the pain of living without one's lover. Seppuku, however, was done in fulfillment of one's duty to one's code and class
*
.

Whereas seppuku could be described as the crowning culmination of Bushido and perhaps of the feudal society from which it grew,
shinju
arose as a form of desperate resistance and opposition to a civilization that negated humanity.

The prohibition of
junshi
or self-immolation had dealt a mortal blow to the samurai's moral code of honor. This inhuman practice of trying to follow one's master even beyond the grave should not have been permitted at all, but its prohibition confronted feudalism with a dilemma.

During the period of warfare that lasted for nearly a century, it was perhaps a logical requirement that a samurai should be ready to die for his master. These vassals played for high stakes on the battlefield: their own welfare and that of their children. "To die in the presence of his master's horse" was a favorite phrase that stirred the samurai's ambition, for his offspring would be honored by his master and his master's heirs, if he were to fall in battle.

When peace was finally ushered in under the prodigious generalship of Tokugawa Ieyasu, there were no more such stages for glory; they could no longer "die in the presence of their master's horse." However, down through the time of the Second and even the Third Shogun, there were still generals alive who could not forget past glories in battle. It was understandable why those lords and generals wanted to practice
junshi
when the Second and Third Shogun died. These were rare opportunities "to die in the presence of the master's horse." To them, loyalty without death was meaningless; there was art even in loyalty.

It was important that the Tokugawa Shogunate had so many loyal lords who would gladly give up their lives, but it was a shocking phenomenon of the feudal system itself that the vassals who composed such an asset to the Shogunate had to die when there was no war. This devotion, lofty as it was, only served to weaken the state. Feudalism itself was designed for war, not peace.

This was the fundamental dilemma. Moreover, there were certainly some leaders in the Shogunate system who had awakened to a more humanistic mode of thinking. Finally there came about, under the leadership of such elements, the prohibition of the practice of self-immolation in 1663. It could not have been otherwise. In a sense, it was official recognition that seppuku had lost its
raison d'être.

Thereafter, seppuku no longer meant a living sacrifice for a lofty cause, but only a somewhat honorable punishment. Together with the long peace, this situation invited demoralization of the samurai class to the extent that many of the younger ones wore fancy clothes, and effete indulgence held sway over the whole country, especially in Edo. The Genroku
*
Period was most notable for this tendency. The economic rise of the
chonin
class spurred on this situation all the more.

True, the code of seppuku was taught all this while; the highest glory for the samurai was still to dedicate his soul and body to his lord. But that opportunity seldom, if ever, came, and, thus, the solemn teachings became only empty words.

Germs of Humanity in Battle Records

The feudal ideology was built on a basis of artificial social relations. Therefore, it is quite conceivable that such a system would sooner or later run afoul of basic human nature, leading to its dissolution.

It is interesting to study a few examples of the historical writings from the formative periods of feudalistic morality, decidedly showing a changing faith.

Kajiwara Kagetoki, a distinguished commander, had two sons, Genta and Saburo. Commanding an infantry troop of five hundred, he invaded the enemy's camp. After withdrawal, Genta was not to be found. "Where is he?" Kagetoki asked. "Probably he pressed too deeply into the enemy's ranks; he may have fallen, for he is nowhere to be seen," answered one of his vassals. Kagetoki, shedding tears, said, "Do you know why I risk myself in war? It is only for the sake of my sons. If Genta is slain, there is little reason for me to live." So saying, he again attacked the enemy, leading on to great deeds.

The gallant fighting of Kagetoki was not motivated by loyalty to his master, but appears to have been for the sake of his sons. Here he was in conflict with the code of the samurai. Though his rashness coincidentally led on to great deeds, we find his human emotions in conflict with the ways of feudalism.

During the strife of the Hogen Period, when the whole Minamoto family was split into two factions, Tametomo, the youngest son and a great archer, was about to loose an arrow at his eldest brother, Yoshitomo. At the critical moment, the latter cried, "Wait, I will propose a bargain. If you are defeated, I will save your life; if my side is defeated, I wi.ll ask you to save my life!" Tametomo agreed and lowered his bow. Such bargaining, even between brothers, was not in keeping with the rigid feudal code.

Pursuing a defeated troop of Heike soldiers at the Ichino-tani Citadel, Kumagai Jiro Noanzane spurred his horse up to the beach, thinking that the Heike leaders would escape to sea by jumping into boats moored along the shore of Suma. He sighted an imposing samurai, wearing a golden sword, riding into the sea to catch one of the boats that was already afloat. Kumagai called to him, challenging him to a duel. Hating to be thought a coward, the Heike warrior plunged back to the beach, where Kumagai was waiting. After fighting a short while, the Heike warrior suddenly appeared quite tired. Resigning himself, he removed his helmet and requested Kumagai to cut off his head. To Kumagai's surprise, he was a handsome boy of about sixteen. Kumagai's thoughts turned to his own son of the same age; when the latter suffered a slight wound that same morning, how worried he had been! If this young warrior were killed, how his parents would grieve! He was tempted to be merciful. But then it was too late! His own troop came riding up to him. Fearing to be thought soft or traitorous, he swiftly cut off the head of this young, handsome samurai. After this, he renounced the world and became a monk.

Kumagai, although he succeeded in avoiding the betrayal of his faction, almost succumbed to humane feelings. At least in his mind, feudalism was losing its hold.

Disintegration from Within

Peace lasted for nearly 300 years during the Edo Period, and feudal society flourished. But, even while thriving, it began to show indications of its eventual dissolution. The elements contributory to this disintegration are significant.

Peace enhanced commerce and artisanship and commoners began to accumulate wealth. Inflated finances, aggravated by the introduction of luxuries, gradually lowered the living standards of the samurai class in general. The policy taken by the Shogunate to cope with this situation was the same as that taken by some feudal lords in Europe: onerous taxation, prohibitive edicts against effete ways, recoinage, loans from commoners, etc. None of these methods, however, afforded a fundamental solution to the ever worsening feudal economy. Finally, the stipends of their vassals were borrowed against by the lords, which was, of course, tantamount to reducing the stipends. Poverty among the samurai prevailed everywhere, which was, no doubt, contributory to bringing about their distrust of the feudal system. The samurai class of this period was completely separated from the land, in contrast to that of the Kamakura Period. They were reduced to the status of mere "salarymen."

Swordsmanship did nothing to assist them financially in an age of peace. A talent for business began to mean something, even among the samurai. Such economic pressures gradually eroded the samurai spirit.

A famous physician, Sugita Gempaku, of the Edo Period, left the following criticism:

Living under an auspicious reign for nearly two hundred and fifty years, chivalry has dwindled away, and even the direct feudatorial
samurai
and other high retainers, in seven cases out often, are dressed like women; far from entertaining noble ambitions, they behave like merchants; the
samurai
now know no shame.

The ruling samurai class could not compete with the economic power of the merchant class and thus began the rise of the commoner. Destitute lords, in exchange for loans from wealthy merchants, gave them the privilege of wearing swords. Commoners wearing swords! Feudal dignity was offended.

Clever samurai married daughters of wealthy merchants, and other samurai pretended not to be envious.

The drastic edict of prohibition against
oibara
or self-immolation was the first and most decisive display of humanism in the comparatively early days of the Tokugawa reign. The following humanistic expression found in
Hihon Tamakushige
is worthy of notice: