Hara-Kiri: Japanese Ritual Suicide

HARA-KIRI

Based on an eyewitness sketch, the painting depicts the actual seppuku ceremony of Oishi Kuranosuke, the leader of the famed 47
ronin,
loyal retainers of Lord Asano whose death they piously avenged. Note the rows of witnesses seated facing Kuranosuke, the inspector and supreme judge within the folding screen behind them, and a portion of the other members of the 47
ronin
(top right of centerfold) awaiting their turn at seppuku.
Courtesy of Motomu Matsuura.

HARA-KIRI

Japanese Ritual Suicide

by Jack. Seward

CHARLES E. TUTTLE COMPANY

Rutland, Vermont & Tokyo, Japan

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Published by the Charles E. Tuttle Company, Inc.
of Rutland, Vermont & Tokyo, Japan
with editorial offices at
Osaki Shinagawa-ku,
Tokyo 141-0032

Copyright in Japan, 1968, by Charles E. Tuttle Co., Inc.

All rights reserved

Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 67-11973

ISBN: 978-1-4629-0762-5 (ebook)

First printing, 1968
Second printing, 1972

0239-000145-4615

P
RINTED IN
J
APAN

To Mother
"God's Greatest Gift"

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

T
HE MAJOR
purpose of this book is to clarify the historico-sociological background and significance of a unique Japanese method of self-destruction which, by stages during the feudal ages (1190-1867), became institutionalized under the name of
seppuku
and came to be an integral part of the discipline of the samurai, the warrior class. Although seppuku was a form of suicide, it was often awarded to an offender as a form of honorable but necessary punishment. In time, it came to characterize Bushido, the moral code of the warrior class.

The word seppuku is the
on
or Japanese rendering of the Chinese reading of two characters meaning "cutting the stomach"; the same two characters, in reverse order, can also be pronounced hara-kiri, and this latter word is more common in spoken Japanese. It is pertinent to comment that the mispronunciations "harry-carry" or "hari-kari" by some Westerners might not be understood by the Japanese.

As we explore ancient Japanese social life and focus our attention on such literature as the poems of the Manyoshu (
A.D.
313-759), a collection of the first Japanese poems written utilizing the phonetic values of the imported Chinese characters, we are surprised to find the Japanese a light-hearted people, given to singing and love-making. Further, in the
Kojiki,
a collection of ancient myths compiled in
A.D.
712, death is scorned as filthy and gruesome; the death of the goddess Izanami may be cited as an example. According to ancient Japanese beliefs, death was abhorrent. Even today, this attitude toward death characterizes the religion of Shrine Shinto, which is an institutionalized distillation of the ancient beliefs. Therein, nearness to death imparts an uncleanliness that requires ritual purification. Here is an example of a religion that declines to offer funeral services because the priest would be unclean for three days after approaching a corpse. This is exactly as recounted in the Book of Leviticus in the Old Testament (Lev. 21: 1). Even though some Shinto priests may compromise and deign to officiate at funerals, their attitude toward funerals remains negative and they would not perform such duties were it not for the most importunate supplications of favored members of their congregation. Even so, the Chief Priest will never officiate.

With the advent of Buddhism to Japan in
A.D.
285, brought by Wani, a celebrated Korean scholar possibly of Chinese descent, the foundations were laid for a gradual shift from an essentially native Japanese view of life, characterized by love of living and shunning of everything concerned with death, to the fatalistic acceptance of death in Buddhism. The simple primitive animism of Shintoism
could
not withstand the onslaught of the profound philosophy of Buddhism.

In the
Tale of the Genji,
the first Japanese novel to be written in the
kana
syllabary, by Lady Murasaki about one thousand years ago, pathos is the basic undercurrent permeating the entire work. The Japanese nobles depicted in this non-fictional account are not at all like those described in the Manyoshu poems, who leaned toward happy love affairs and gay songs.

Historically, however, the foregoing transition from optimism to fatalism did not engender a general devitalization or effemination of those warriors who fought valiantly in the clash of the Genji-Heike (usually abbreviated as Gem-Pei) from 1180 to 1185. On the contrary, the Buddhist philosophy taught that the mutation of things and the transitory nature of this world call for an attitude of resignation. Such resignation created a death-defying and dauntless attitude on the battlefield.

The Shintoistic beliefs made man positive and aggressive while the life-minimizing, negative views of Buddhism contributed toward making him desperately fearless and bold. Thus these two spiritual elements blended curiously to contribute toward the formation of a moral code of the samurai, which later came to be institutionalized as Bushido, the Way of the Warrior.

In the more than eight hundred years from the time of the
Tale of the Genji
until the close of the feudal age in 1867, this unique method of self-destruction grew to occupy the main coign in the disciplinary code of the samurai and to serve as the keynote in magnifying the concept of honor in the Way of the Warrior.

Bushido had become firmly established in Japan as the Way of the Warrior by the beginning of the long and successful reign of the Tokugawa Clan (1603-1867). Within its framework, seppuku was not only meted out as an honorable sentence of death to violators of certain of the Tokugawa laws but also was practiced to demonstrate and emphasize resistance, remonstrance, loyalty, and affirmation of the correctness of one's position.

How did it develop and how was it applied? It is the task of this work to explore this curious social phenomenon, scrutinizing diverse data and sources to the end of rectifying the often superficial and sometimes fallacious interpretations of scholars and laymen alike, especially in the Western world.

I

SEPPUKU DEFINED

Definition

SEPPUKU
is the keynote of discipline in the Japanese code of chivalry. To define it precisely, we should first know why there are two widely used words with the same meaning: seppuku and hara-kiri.

In Japanese society today, the accepted rule is to render official terms in the
on
or Japanese way of pronouncing the original Chinese character, and such is the case with seppuku. The same two characters, in reverse order, can also be read hara-kiri in the
kun
or native Japanese style of pronunciation. The word hara-kiri is used only in conversation, and not for official purposes or in formal speech or writing.

Hara-kiri is mentioned in numerous books written by Westerners.
The Encyclopedia Britannica, Nelson's Encyclopedia,
and
Webster's New International Dictionary
carry the word. For example, the last gives:

hara-kiri
(ha'ra-k
ē
'r
ē
)
n.
(Jap., stomach cutting). Suicide by the nobles and samurai in case of disgrace, real or fancied, and commanded by the government to certain disgraced officials; disembowelment; —more elegantly called
seppuku.
Written also, but incorrectly, hara-kari.

Many Westerners know this much about the word, but their knowledge about the full and deeper significance of the practice itself is limited. To provide a practical initial introduction, it is pertinent to refer to an account of seppuku written by an Englishman, Lord Redesdale (the former A. B. Mitford), who was Secretary to the British Consulate in Japan in 1868, the first year of the modern era in Japan.

First Eyewitness Account by a Westerner

Through the last years of the Tokugawa Era and into the initial years of that of Meiji, there was much internal strife in Japan between the supporters of the Emperor and the adherents of the Shogun (the
de facto
administrator of the country), especially over the burning question of foreign inroads. During this period of confusion, several incidents hostile to Westerners occurred.

In February of 1868, a number of Japanese soldiers from Bizen fired on the foreign settlement in Kobe, which was then called Hiogo. The responsible Bizen samurai was ordered to commit seppuku. Lord Redesdale was one of the witnesses to the ceremony, and recorded it in his book,
Tales of Old Japan.
An excerpt runs as follows:

As a corollary to the above elaborate statement of the ceremonies proper to be observed at the
hara-kiri,
I may here describe an instance of such an execution which I was sent officially to witness. The condemned man was Taki-Zenzaburd, an officer of the Prince of Bizen, who gave the order to fire upon the foreign settlement at Hiogo in the month of February, 1868—an attack to which I have alluded in the preamble to the story of the Eta Maiden and the Hatamoto. Up to this time, no foreigner had witnessed such an execution, which was rather looked upon as traveller's fable.

The ceremony, which was ordered by the Mikado himself, took place at 10: 30 at night in the temple of the Seifukuji, the headquarters of the Satsuma troops at Hiogo. A witness went from each of the foreign legations. We were seven foreigners in all.

We were conducted to the temple by officers of the Princes of Satsuma and Choshiu. Although the ceremony was to be conducted in the most private manner, the casual remarks which were overheard in the streets, and a crowd lining the principal entrance to the temple, showed that it was a matter of no little interest to the public. The courtyard of the temple presented a most picturesque sight; it was crowded with soldiers standing around in knots round large fires, which threw a dim flickering light over the heavy caves and quaint gable-ends of the sacred buildings. We were shown into an inner room, where we were to wait until the preparation for the ceremony was completed: in the room next to us were the high Japanese officers. After a long interval, which seemed doubly long from the silence which prevailed, Ito-Shunske, the provisional Governor of Hiogo, came and took down our names, and informed us that seven
kenshi,
sheriffs or witnesses, would attend on the part of the Japanese. [Kenshi means inspector of the corpse.] He and another officer represented the Mikado; two captains of Satsuma's infantry, and two of Choshiu's, with a representative of the Prince of Bizen, the clan of the condemned man, completed the number, which was probably arranged in order to tally with that of the foreigners. Ito-Shunske further inquired whether we wished to put any questions to the prisoner. We replied in the negative.

A further delay ensued, after which we were invited to follow the Japanese witnesses into the
hondo
or main hall of the temple, where the ceremony was to be performed. It was an imposing scene. A large hall with a high roof supported by dark pillars of wood. From the ceiling hung a profusion of those huge gilt lamps and ornaments peculiar to Buddhist temples. In front of the high altar, where the floor, covered with beautiful white mats, is raised some three or four inches above the ground, was laid a rug of scarlet felt. Tall candles placed at regular intervals gave out a dim mysterious light, just sufficient to let all the proceedings be seen. The seven Japanese took their places on the left of the raised floor, the seven foreigners on the right. No other person was present.

After an interval of a few minutes of anxious suspense, Taki-Zenzaburô, a stalwart man, thirty-two years of age, with a noble air, walked into the hall attired in his dress of ceremony, with the peculiar hempen-cloth wings which are worn on great occasions. He was accompanied by a
kaishaku
and three officers, who wore the
jimbaori
or war surcoat with gold-tissue facings. The word
kaishaku,
it should be observed, is the word to which our word
executioner
is no equivalent term. The office is that of a gentleman; in many cases it is performed by a kinsman or friend of the condemned, and the relation between them is rather that of principal and second than that of victim and executioner. In this instance the
kaishaku
was a pupil of Taki-Zenzaburô, and was selected by the friends of the latter from among their own number for his skill in swordsmanship.

With the
kaishaku
on his left hand, Taki-Zenzaburô advanced slowly towards the Japanese witnesses, and the two bowed before them, then drawing near to the foreigners they saluted us in the same way, perhaps even with more deference; in each case the salutation was ceremoniously returned. Slowly, and with great dignity, the condemned man mounted on to the raised floor, prostrated himself before the high altar twice, and seated himself on the left carpet with his back to the high altar, the
kaishaku
crouching on his left hand side. One of the three attendant officers then came forward, bearing a stand of the kind used in temples for offerings, on which, wrapped in paper, lay the
wakizashi,
the short sword or dirk of the Japanese, nine inches and a half in length, with a point and an edge as
sharp as a razor's. This he handed, prostrating himself, to
the condemned man, who received it reverently, raising it to his head with both hands, and placed it in front of himself.

After another profound obeisance, Taki-Zenzaburô, in a voice which betrayed just so much emotion as might be expected from a man who is making a painful confession, but with no sign of either in his face or manner, spoke as follows:—

"I, and I alone, unwarrantedly gave the order to fire on the foreigners at Kobe, and again as they tried to escape. For this crime I disembowel myself, and I beg you who are present to do me the honour of witnessing the act."

Bowing once more, the speaker allowed his upper garments to slip down to his girdle, and remained naked to the waist. Carefully, according to custom, he tucked his sleeves under his knees to prevent himself from falling backward; for a noble Japanese gentleman should die falling forwards. Deliberately, with a steady hand, he took the dirk that lay before him; he looked at it wistfully, almost affectionately; for a moment he seemed to collect his thoughts for a last time, and then stabbing himself deeply below the waist on the left hand side, he drew the dirk slowly across to the right side, and, turning it in the wound, gave a slight cut upwards. Through this sickeningly painful operation he never moved a muscle of his face. When he drew out the dirk, he leaned forward and stretched out his neck; an expression of pain for the first time crossed his face, but he uttered no sound. At that moment, the
kaishaku,
who, still crouching at his side, had been keenly watching his every movement, sprang to his feet, poised his sword for a second in the air; there was a flash, a heavy, ugly thud, a crashing fall; with one blow the head had been severed from the body.

A dead silence followed, broken only by the hideous
noise of the blood throbbing out of the inert heap before us,
which but a moment before had been a brave and chivalrous man. It was horrible.

The
kaishaku
made a low bow, wiped his sword with a piece of paper which he had ready for the purpose, and retired from the raised floor; and the stained dirk was solemnly borne away, a bloody proof of execution.

The two representatives of the Mikado then left their places, and, crossing over to where the foreign witnesses sat, called on us to witness that the sentence of death upon Taki-Zenzaburô had been faithfully carried out. The ceremony being at an end, we then left the temple.

The ceremony, to which the place and the hour gave an additional solemnity, was characterized throughout by that extreme dignity and punctiliousness which are the distinctive marks of the proceedings of Japanese gentlemen of rank; and it is important to note this fact, because it carries with it the conviction that the dead man was indeed the officer who had committed the crime, and no substitute. While profoundly impressed by the terrible scene, it was impossible at the same time not to be filled with admiration of the firm and manly bearing of the sufferer, and of the nerve with which the
kaishaku
performed his last duty to his master. Nothing could more strongly show the force of education. The Samurai, or gentleman of the military class, from his earliest years learns to look upon the
hara-kiri
as a ceremony in which some day he may be called upon to play a part as principal or second. In old fashioned families, which hold to the tradition of ancient chivalry, the child is instructed in the rite and familiarized with the idea as an honorable expiation of crime or blotting out of disgrace. If the hour comes, he is prepared for it, and gravely faced an ordeal which early training has robbed of half its horrors. In what other country in the world does a man learn that the last tribute of affection which he may have to play to his best friend may be to act as his executioner?

The foregoing account is a typical example of seppuku in its most honorable form, imposed as a sentence of death. Inasmuch as a criminal is actually executed, it is, significantly, a form of the death penalty. The criminal, however, is permitted to take the initiative and to strike the first blow toward his own death. As such, seppuku is also a form of self-punishment and expiation and was granted only to those who, though violators of certain codes or regulations, were nonetheless worthy of the respect of those determining the penalty. On occasions, the condemned man was regarded with warm sympathy and his regrettable but necessary passing was honored by a solemn ceremony such as the one witnessed by Lord Redesdale.

The events in the foregoing narrative by Lord Redesdale occurred, as noted, in 1868, when feudalism was beginning to give way to the modern era. Yet, for the most part, the feudal system was still intact and at its most highly developed stage. Accordingly, the seppuku seen by Lord Redesdale was perhaps the penultimate point of the formalized ceremony itself. Although practiced at the beginning of the Tokugawa Era 268 years before the Meiji Restoration in 1868, seppuku was not nearly as stereotyped and rigidly ceremonialized then as in the case witnessed by Lord Redesdale.

Changes in Methods of Execution

In ancient Japan, we do not find any evidence of decapitation as a method of execution. One piece of indirect evidence is that the sword of this period was straight and designed for piercing, not for cutting. It was during the Gem-Pei strife that the slightly curved sword with a cutting edge was first used in battle on a large scale. Even as late as the beginning of the period of Gem-Pei fighting, there is the example of Minamoto-no-Tametomo who, defeated in battle and desperate, plunged his short sword into his stomach and then, still alive, withdrew the blade and stabbed himself again, this time cutting into his spinal column. Had the custom of
kaishaku
(assisting at seppuku) been developed then, he would not have had to make the second and fatal cut himself. With the Gem-Pei Period, more efficient methods of execution and self-destruction began to develop in Japan. Prior to that, strangulation and burning were probably the common modes of execution and of suicide.

Breaches of Tradition

The samurai was devoted to the code of chivalry and lived for the cause of honor, according to his own lights. To have his own name—his escutcheon—besmirched was the supreme stultification to the warrior. As he tried to live with honor, so his superiors tried to accord him an honorable method of death when his crime, though proscribed, was not a dishonorable one. There were, however, exceptional cases where contemptuous and insulting methods of execution, though generally condemned, were applied to samurai.