Golden (44 page)

The Rezko trial, which would predictably end in a conviction, remained a drag on Blagojevich, but fund-raising was another outlet for him to get his mind off things. He may have hated governing, but he didn't lose the drive to raise cash, still feeding off—almost needing—the adoration he got from events where people still lauded his leadership and handed over a check.

While some supporters were staying away due to the scandals, he was hitting up a group of wealthy Indian businessmen more and more. The
men, some doctors, pharmacists, or bankers like Mahajan, felt aligned with Blagojevich because of his family's ethnic background and his support for their causes. Many were first-generation Americans and simply liked to be near the power of a sitting governor, giving them bragging rights over their friends.

Brian Daly had always been the contact between the campaign and the Indians, who sometimes acted like a cohesive group but often carried baggage and jealousies that divided them. But Blagojevich had also been dealing with Rajinder Bedi, who was still with the administration and successful at trying to bring the community's divergent elements together.

Blagojevich called Bedi “my Sikh warrior” in helping round up the donors, which included businessmen such as Mahajan, Babu Patel, and Raghu Nayak, who owned a group of surgery centers in and around Chicago.

But as Blagojevich continued to raise money, the scrutiny from prosecutors and the press also continued. At one fundraiser in the summer of 2008 hosted by Wyma at the upscale restaurant Naha, Blagojevich spotted a photographer and reporters from the
Tribune
out front. Trying to avoid having his picture taken, Blagojevich had his security detail drive around the block and drop him off. From there he briskly walked down the block around the corner from the restaurant, blending with a group a people walking by before dashing into Naha.

The fund-raising was at full tilt even while Rezko's trial was ongoing just a few blocks from Naha, with witnesses detailing Rezko's activities and Blagojevich's shady campaign operation. The pressure was becoming so much that legislators fashioned a bill aimed directly at the governor and his fund-raising activities. It prohibited anybody with state contracts worth $50,000 or more from contributing to the politicians who oversee those contracts.

But Blagojevich wasn't worried about it passing because he still had Senate President Jones in his corner. Then Jones got a call from Barack Obama.

It was just a few months from Election Day, and the Democratic nominee for president urged his onetime mentor, Jones, to call the bill despite Blagojevich's efforts to have the Senate block it. Trying to get rid of the stink of Illinois's corruption that had often dogged him, the vote would help Obama show his home state was doing something proactive to stop it. The bill passed the Senate 55-0 and would take effect January 1, 2009.

Blagojevich was livid. His last remaining ally in state government had abandoned him for Obama. His jealousy raged. He decided he now had to
raise as much money as possible before January 1 from all the sources of income he had tapped for six years. State contractors, hospitals, anybody. He also had almost nobody he could trust to do the work of raising money. So he turned to the only member of his family left, his big brother, Robert.

“I need your help.”

During a break in a Golden Gloves bout (he lost), eighteen-year-old Rod Blagojevich winks for a photographer.
RICHARD YQUNKER

An early family photo of the Blagojeviches circa 1970.
TRIAL EXHIBIT

Patti's photo and quote from her senior yearbook at St. Scholastica High School in Chicago.
ST. SCHOLASTICA HIGH SCHOOL YEARBOOK

Blagojevich's first political patron, Chicago Alderman Edward Vrdolyak.
ASSOCIATED PRESS

Alderman Dick Mell (right), Blagojevich's father-in-law, speaks on the floor of the Chicago City Council with fellow Chicago Alderman Eugene Schulter.
ASSOCIATED PRESS

Governor Blagojevich announces his All Kids health-care plan in 2005 at a location for many of his political events, A. Finkl & Sons Co., where his father once worked.
ILLINOIS DIVISION OF MEDIA SERVICES

At a party for his first inauguration in 2003, Blagojevich speaks to powerful Speaker of the House Michael Madigan as Blagojevich fundraiser Antoin “Tony” Rezko listens in.
ILLINOIS DIVISION OF MEDIA SERVICES

Alonzo “Lon” Monk introduces his friend Rod Blagojevich as the newly elected governor of Illinois.
ILLINOIS DIVISION OF MEDIA SERVICES

Governor Blagojevich talks to Doug Scofield on a state plane in the early days of the Blagojevich administration.
ILLINOIS DIVISION OF MEDIA SERVICES