Delphi (54 page)

23
. Naxians: Amandry 1940/1: 60–63. Siphnians: Valavanis 2004: 210.

24
. Xen.
Hell.
7.1.27. See Parke and Wormell 1956a: 220, Parker 2000: 88, Bowden 2005: 79.

25
. For the initial work carried out in preparation for the rebuilding (the establishment of foundations, the decision about reusing stone blocks, the cutting of new stone in local quarries: Amandry and Hansen 2010: 157–82.

26
. Lowering of interest: the “Law of Cadys”: Homolle 1926. Astycrates:
FD
III 5 15–18. See Parke and Wormell 1956a: 221–22, Buckler 1985, Bommelaer 1991: 24. Theban promanteia:
Syll
³
176.

27
. The affair of Crates and Orsilaus: Arist.
Pol.
1303b.37; Plut.
Mor.
825B; Ael.
VH
11.5; Homolle 1926: 95–96, Parke and Wormell 1956a: 221, Roux 1976: 192. See also the legislation from this period for murder at Delphi:
CID
IV 4. The tholos in the Athena sanctuary: Lerat 1985, Laroche 1992.

28
. For a recent discussion of the dating of the Third Sacred War: Deltenne 2010.

29
. Parke and Wormell
261.
Parke and Wormell 1956a: 223–25.

30
. Temporary set up for oracle: in 352
BC
, surviving inscriptions relate that a contractor was paid to build a “shelter” for those consulting the oracle:
Syll
³
247. Destruction of inscriptions: Sanchez 2001: 173–76. Building defensive walls: Diod. Sic. 16.25.1; Amandry 1981a: 741, Maass 1997: 68–79.

31
. Phocians going back on their promises: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 227. Melting down of objects: Jacquemin 1999: 238, Scott 2010: 124–25. Total value: Diod. Sic. 16.56.6.

32
. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 227.

33
. Changes in ritual practice at Athens:
IG
II
²
4969.1–3;
SEG
21 519.4–10;
IG
II
²
333.24–26;
IG
II
²
1933.1–3. See Bowden 2005: 123. The consultation over sacred land at Eleusis: Parke and Wormell
262
; Rhodes and Osborne 2003. No. 58;
IG
II
²
204. Delphi's response:
FGrHist
328 F 115. See Bowden 2005: 88.

34
. The festival: Roux 1976: 178. Safely making it home: Plut.
Mor.
249E.

35
. Dionysus worship attested in fourth century
BC
, see Roux 1976: 176. The Dionysion: Jacquemin 1999: 29. One inscribed dedication speaks of the “mania”
of Dionysus: Daux and Bousquet 1942–43: 26. Paean: Croissant 1996: 128. Statue: Paus. 10.32.1; Bommelaer 1991: 210.

36
. Athenian sculptors: Paus. 10.19.4; Croissant 2003: 144–46, 176. Macedonian influence: Croissant 1996: 128. Athenian influence: Croissant 1996: 136. See Stewart 1982. Breadth of worship at Delphi: see Parke and Wormell 1956a: 330–38, Scott 2010: 142.

37
. Diod. Sic. 16.57; Strabo 9.3.8.

38
.
Syll
³
633; Parker 2000: 89.

39
. See Diod. Sic. 16.23–60; Paus. 3.10.2, 10.2.2.

40
. Breakup of cities: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 229–33. Curse on those who touched the money: Aeschin.
In Ctes.
114. Removal of sculpture:
CID
II 34

II.56–62.

41
. Philip's representatives on the lists: Daux 1957b: 100. Promanteia and statue: Jacquemin 1999: 39. Common Peace: Diod. Sic. 16.60.3.

42
. Athens's disillusionment with Delphi: cf. Dem. 5.25; Parke and Wormell 1956a: 233–35. Hated of Philip: see Dem. 19.327; 9.32.

43
. E.g., Dem. 21.51–52; 43.66. See Bowden 2005: 56–58.

44
. No contractors or suppliers for the rebuilding came from Thessaly, even though the Thessalians presided over the Amphictyonic council. But the Peloponnesians contributed the largest sum to the rebuilding, were involved on the commission for reconstruction and as suppliers and contractors, even though they had meager representation on the Amphictyonic council: de La Coste-Messelière 1974: 208, Roux 1979: 105–11, Davies 2001a. Thanks to the preserved accounts, we also get a feeling for the way in which the Delphian authorities liked the construction processes to proceed and how they negotiated with their contractors: Feyel 1993, Feyel 2006, Amandry and Hansen 2010: 461–94. For discussion of the accounts, see Roux 1979, Bousquet 1988, Bousquet 1989, Davies 1998, Davies 2001b, Bommelaer 2008. In turn, the collaboration of skilled workmen at Delphi from different arenas has recently been argued to have aided innovative creation of architectural features and the resulting spread of those innovations back into different communities around Greece: Partida 2011.

45
. Small donations: Anaxis of Phocaea gave just one obol (and it cost four obols to inscribe one hundred letters):
CID
II. 4 col. III.13; Weir 2004: 77. Clearistus of Carystus:
CID
II 1 col II.26–30; Weir 2004: 77.

46
. Although from the start, Phocis was not always able to meet their annual quota: in 344
BC
, almost immediately after reparation payments began, the
Phocians only managed to pay thirty talents rather than the full sixty:
FD
III 5 14, II.12–14; Arnush 1991: 20. Rearrangement of sanctuary: Courby 1927: 202, Pouilloux 1960: 17–32, 49–60, 109–20, 153, Amandry 1981a: 688, 692, Amandry and Hansen 2010, Scott 2010: 118.

47
. Remaking of dedications:
CID
II 79 A 1; 81A; 93; 102 II A; 107; 108. The stadium inscription:
CID
I 3; Fontenrose 1988: 128.

48
. Odysseus's mishap: Paus. 10.8.8. The gymnasium: Jannoray 1953, Pentazos 1992a. Honors for Artistotle:
FD
III 1 400 (335
BC
); Fontenrose 1988: 137. List of victors:
FD
III 5 59B. Aristotle was also said to have consulted the oracle about whether to become a philosopher, to have dedicated a monument at the sanctuary to his friend Hermias, and to have written a study (now sadly lost) of the constitution of the city of Delphi: Bowden 2005: 86. Parke and Wormell do not believe that Aristotle consulted the oracle: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 406.

49
. Demeter at Anthela
:
CID
II 80; 82 Currency:
CID
II 75; Raven 1950, Bommelaer 1991: 35. The Athena sanctuary: Le Roy 1977: 271.

50
. Cyrenean contribution to temple rebuild:
CID
II 4 III.11; 26.4–12; Cyrenean and Rhodian dedications: Scott 2010: 127–29.

51
. Roux 1979: 30–33, Croissant 1996: 134, Croissant 2003: 180.

52
. Aeschines' speech: Aeschin.
In Ctes.
115–23. Turning to Philip: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 235–37.

53
. Consultation: Parke and Wormell
265.
Demosthenes' comment: recounted by his rival Aesch.
In Ctes.
130. See Parker 2000: 96. For the commemoration by Philip of his victory at Chaeroneia, and the violence of the battle as revealed by the skeletons buried at the site: Ma 2008.

54
. Daux 1949a: 259–60, Jacquemin 1999: 60.

CHAPTER 8. TRANSITION

1
. Daochos dedication: Jacquemin and Laroche 2001. For Thessalian associations with Neoptolemus: Downie 2004: 217.
Tamiai
:
CID
IV 9; Roux 1979: 55, Davies 2001a: 213. Soon after their creation, the Amphictyony seems to have delegated financial decisions also entirely to the treasurers not just for the rebuilding but for all the Amphictyony's business: Roux 1979: 191. Philip's Hellenic league: Miller 2000: 271. Philip returning to oracle: Parke and Wormell
266–67.

2
. Response to Philip: Parke and Wormell
266–67.
See Parker 2000: 88. Olympias's involvement: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 238. The knife: Just.
Epit.
9.7.13.
Para Alexandrou: CID
II 77; Lefèvre 2002a: 73–74.

3
. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 240.

4
. Parke and Wormell
270.
See also another later story of a Delphic oracle concerning Alexander: Parke and Wormell
269.

5
. Alexander's dealing with embassies from sanctuaries: Alexander also did not make any efforts to revive the use of the oracle at Delphi for mainstream political consultations, which had ceased after the middle of the century, in contrast to his efforts to revive dormant oracles at other sites, like Didyma: Morgan 1989: 29, Arnush 2005: 105–106. New temple at Delphi: Diod. Sic. 17.103.4, 18.4.5; Parke and Wormell 1956a: 242. Theban treasury: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 241–42.

6
. For a study of the use of the civic honor of proxenia as a political tool by Boeotia and Athens in diplomatic relations: Gerolymatos 1986. Collective promanteia for the Aetolians:
SEG
17.230; Arnush 2000: 300–301. This is in the context of a substantial growth in the numbers of such awards during the fourth century
BC
: only four honorific decrees are known from the city of Delphi before 373
BC
, but between 373 and 300
BC
, there are ninety-nine: Empereur 1981. Delph's risk taking: Arnush 2000: 307.

7
. There seems to have also been a certain degree of tension within the city: inscriptions dating to 330–27
BC
detail the sums collected from the rental of a number of properties (eleven houses, a farm, a garden, and nineteen plots of land) that had previously been confiscated from members of the city, a number of whom had been exiled from Delphi following the Third Sacred War and many of whom were confirmed as still in exile and living in Athens in 363
BC
:
CID
II 67–72; Rousset 2002b: 230, Rousset 2002a: 205–10.

8
. Representatives “not seated”:
CID
II 102 col. I A.4–17; col. II A.24–33. The crown:
FD
III 5 58.4–8 (money set aside),
CID
II 97.5–6 (money redistributed); Marchetti 1977, Arnush 2000: 302–303, Marchetti 2011: 144–49.

9
. In 321–20BC five proxeny decrees were issued, one for Patron of Elateia in Phocis: Daux 1933: 69–70, Arnush 2000: 297–300, 307. Phocis stopped paying its fine circa 322–21
BC
: Arnush 1991: 20.

10
. Acanthus column:
FD
III 4 462 (attribution to Athens is debated): Pouilloux and Roux 1963: 122–49.

11
. Parke and Wormell
274
; See Bowden 2005: 133.

12
. For the towers: Skorda 1992b: 54–56, Maass 1997: 27, 70, Weir 2004: 77. Diod. Sic. (2.136) tells the story of a philosopher from Eretria who was attacked en route to Delphi in the late fourth/early third century
BC
. Rousset has argued
that these towers were probably constructed for the surveillance of isolated pieces of territory and the exploitation of land rather than for safeguarding against attack: Rousset 2002b: 236.

13
. For the inscriptions: Empereur 1984. Ambryssian inscription: Roux 1976: 184. For the cult of Pan and the Nymphs at the cave: Pasquier 1977, Amandry 1984a. For the incredible collection of offerings (including 25,000 knuckle bones) found at the cave from the sixth through the beginning of the second century
BC
:
BCH
Suppl. 9 (1984); Picard 1991: 241–61.

14
. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 244. Indeed one of those local questions at the end of the fourth century—on the issue of childlessness—shows how active the mythology surrounding Delphi must have been. The children begotten following the consultation were named Delphis and Pytho: Parke and Wormell
334.
More widely, Parke and Wormell also argue that no private individual inquiries from outside the local region are known (with the exception of Cicero) between the end of the fourth century
BC
and the first century
BC
: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 407.

15
. See Paus. 10.18.5; Plut.
Mor.
401D.

16
. “Sanctimonious humbug”: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 252. Oracle's decline in the Hellenistic period: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 244, Parker 2000: 87, 102. Oracles for Hellenistic kings as rehashings of older responses: e.g., Parke and Wormell
431
(to Attalus I of Pergamon rehashing that given to Cypselus). Demetrios Poliorcetes as an oracle: Plut.
Vit. Demetr.
11–13; Parke and Wormell 1956a: 245.

17
. Oracle helping create a long-term and more glorious history of Messenia to cover over its centuries under Spartan domination: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 248–53. Hellenistic cities also continued to use the oracle for moral leverage, particularly in securing recognized rights of asylia (sacred protection) e.g.,
Syll
³
635b. Foundation of new sanctuaries: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 371–74.

18
. Parke and Wormell
331, 332.
Parke and Wormell 1956a: 326.

19
. Tarquinius Superbus: Parke and Wormell
438, 439.
Rome consulting before the fall of the city of Veii, fourth century
BC
: Parke and Wormell
440
. Camillus's dedication at Delphi (a gold mixing bowl, placed in the treasury of the Massalians in the Athena sanctuary, and melted down by Phocians in Third Sacred War): Diod. Sic. 14.93.2; Livy 5.21.2. Consultation during the Samnite War: Parke and Wormell
352
. Involvement in process of Magna Mater transfer: Parke and Wormell
356;
and Asclepius: Parke and Wormell
353.

20
. Aetolians: Flacelière 1937: 41–42, 49–50, Parke and Wormell 1956a: 254. Power over Delphi: see Plut.
Vit. Demetr.
40.7–8. Flacelière argues that their occupation of Delphi took place soon after the battle of Ipsus in 301
BC
, which created a power vacuum in mainland Greece: Flacelière 1937: 57. Later, the text of a treaty between the Aetolians and Boeotians seems to have been erected at Delphi: Flacelière 1937: 58–59, 67.