Read Courtiers: The Secret History of the Georgian Court Online
Authors: Lucy Worsley
Tags: #England, #History, #Royalty
These were the role models that Princess Caroline followed,
steeper, braver paths to climb than those conventionally chosen by English princesses.
And as well as clucking over the intellectuals who congregated in her drawing room, she was also a good mistress to her servants: wise, witty and maternal.
*
So the Wild Boy eventually found himself part of the prince and princess’s household in Leicester Fields, discovering a snug place under Caroline’s wing. Dr Arbuthnot continued to visit his pupil and would also drop in on his friend Henrietta Howard. (She thought he didn’t come often enough, and when he tried to make an exit he would find himself ‘prettily chid for leaving’.
93
) Leicester House remained a magnet for everyone and anyone talented or droll. The reversionary interest still ensured that the ‘most promising of the young lords and gentlemen’ and the ‘prettiest and liveliest of the young ladies’ were to be found there.
94
As we already know, gaiety and glamour were brought to Princess Caroline’s household by the Maids of Honour. A previous, promiscuous generation of Maids had liberally bestowed their favours ‘to the right and to the left and not the least notice taken of their conduct’.
95
At the very creation of Princess Caroline’s household in 1714, equerry Peter Wentworth noted that the town had ‘named four beauties for Maids to her Highness’, rightly predicting that the princess’s husband would be ‘very sociable’ among them and that there’d be trouble if Caroline herself had ‘any spice of jealousy’.
96
The older, colder members of the court constantly complained about the Maids of Honour’s ‘little levities’: an obsession with the new dresses to be worn on the king’s birthday, with novels and romances, and with infuriating ‘merry pranks’ played late at night.
97
‘People who are of such very hot constitutions as to want to be refresh’d by night-walking’, ran one complaint, ‘need not disturb others who are not altogether so warm as they are.’
98
Princess Caroline’s Maids of Honour included the flighty and selfish Sophy Howe. Naughty and saucy Sophy was quick to
exploit – and indeed to abuse – the relaxed atmosphere of the junior court. When told off for giggling in chapel by the Duchess of St Albans and being informed that ‘she could not do a worse thing’, Sophy pertly (but truthfully) answered, ‘I beg your Grace’s pardon, I can do a great many worse things.’
99
One of these ‘worse things’ took place on the evening when Sophy and the Duchess of Marlborough had too much to drink at dinner. ‘“Lady Duchess, let us do something odd,” Sophy suggested, “let us make – in the stone passage,” and so they did before all the footmen.’
100
The dash is tantalising. We don’t know if they made love or water or simply a spectacle of themselves.
In Sophy’s letters the Maids of Honour sound like pupils at a riotous girls’ boarding school. Updates addressed to her friend Henrietta Howard are full of news about potential partners: during one country visit she wrote that Henrietta would be wrong to assume that there was no flirtation to be had among the provincial gentlemen. But an absence from London meant an absence from the most desirable male matches and made her ‘more sensible than ever’ of her happiness in being a Maid of Honour.
101
She was also cruel to her mother and dangerously addicted to the dizzy, giddy side of life at court.
So the charmed circle of the Maids of Honour generally found their lives cheerful and comfortable. One of their number, belonging to the household of Princess Caroline’s daughter Anne, extolled the conveniences of life in a royal household:
We have people found us that clean our rooms and wash for us, so there is no expense of that kind; sheets and towels are also found, silver candlesticks, and china, (tea-things, I mean,) and sugar. The Ladies of the Bedchamber and Maids of Honour dine together … we have by much the best table; no allowance of wine, but may call for what quantity and what sort we please: we have two men to wait.
102
This was not a bad life, if you could bear the rules and lack of privacy.
*
‘And who would not go to the Devil, for the sake of dear Molly Lepell?’ (court ballad)
In defence of the Maids’ philosophy of relentless fun, the former Maid Molly Hervey (neé Lepell) explained that she personally hated ‘to look on the dark side of life’ and would ‘always be thankful to those who turn[ed] the bright side of the lantern’ towards her.
103
Molly had by now left Princess Caroline’s household, having been eventually forced to admit the marriage to John Hervey that disqualified her from her post. Her husband’s elder brother Carr had died in 1723, so John himself was now in line to inherit his family’s titles. Molly remained much at court with her new name of Lady Hervey, but some of her former friends found her less sympathetic than before. Her husband, arch and critical, had begun to taint her with his own bleak cynicism.
Alexander Pope, an admirer of the old Molly Lepell, was hurt when the news of her marriage finally came out. Previously he and she had been happy talking and walking together ‘three or 4 hours, by moonlight’ in the palace gardens.
104
But Pope began to turn against her as she became contaminated by her husband’s affected manners. ‘Let me tell you, I don’t like your style,’ he wrote plainly
in answer to a letter of Molly’s. ‘Methinks I have lost the Mrs L. I formerly knew, who writ and talk’d like other people (and sometimes better).’
105
(‘Mrs L’ was Molly before her marriage, when like all unmarried ladies she was addressed as ‘Mistress’ Lepell.)
Lady Mary Wortley Montagu was another who had preferred the lovers separately rather than as a pair: she quickly grew ‘weary of those Birds of Paradise’. She also thought that Molly had acquired new and exaggerated airs and graces: she’d become ‘the top figure in town’, condescending to show herself ‘twice a-week at the drawing room and twice more at the opera for the entertainment of the public’.
106
Perhaps inevitably, by 1726 the stylish, stylised Hervey couple were gradually growing apart. Maybe it was John’s neglect that encouraged Molly to treat her six-year-old marriage a little less seriously, or perhaps it was the depressing realisation that she and her husband were still spending their way towards insolvency.
Her father-in-law, the Earl of Bristol, could not have been fonder of Molly herself, but he wished his son had married someone with more money. He castigated John for having even entertained the thought of ‘marrying any woman without a considerable fortune’.
107
On the other hand, Molly’s mother-in-law, Lady of the Bedchamber Lady Bristol, had never liked her, and they were well known for quarrelling together like the fishwives of Billingsgate Market.
108
Now, perhaps feeling a little empty inside, Molly began to mirror the caricature of herself as the brittle court lady – ‘the finely-polished, highly-bred, genuine woman of fashion’ – by entering into an intrigue that did her reputation no good.
109
Molly had long been a practised flirt, collecting admirers as others collected snuff boxes. Even Voltaire, when he visited England, was soon writing to her about the ‘passion’ she had kindled within him.
110
Despite the elderly king’s supposed preference for fat women, he too was smitten by the ethereal Molly’s ‘soft and sprightly’ grey eyes, which she used to open ‘a little wider than ordinary’.
111
And he was also captivated by the spiky, sparky personality
that comes through in Molly’s derisive catalogue of her own considerable charms (‘I had forgot my eyebrows. Observe that they are not very handsome, but well enough’).
112
In 1725, the year before Peter the Wild Boy came to court, rumours swirled around that Molly had finally solved her financial problems. The gossips had it that she’d deliberately gone ‘to the Drawing-Room every night, and publicly attracted his Majesty in a most vehement manner’ which was ‘the diversion of the town’.
113
It was said that Melusine had paid Molly
£
4,000 to break off her increasingly flagrant relationship with the king.
Yet the rumours were just rumours, and Molly was equally criticised for
not
having had a royal affair. ‘Lady Hervey, by aiming too high, has fallen very low,’ commented Lady Mary Wortley Montagu. She ‘is reduc’d to trying to persuade folks she has an intrigue, and gets nobody to believe her’.
114
Even the shameless flattery penned by the poets about their former favourite, Molly Lepell, was not quite straightforward. It began to contain a mocking, spiteful note, typical of an age when wit had a cutting edge, but hurtful nonetheless. Lord Chesterfield and William Pulteney wrote a poem about Molly that would have soured upon her as she discerned its double meaning:
So powerful her charms, and so moving
They would warm an old Monk in his cell,
Should the Pope himself ever go roaming,
He would follow dear Molly Le[pel]l.
Or were I the King of Great Britain
To chuse a Minister well,
And support the Throne that I sit on,
I’d have under me Molly Le[pel]l.
115
Molly herself was ‘in a little sort of miff’ about this ballad, which flashed around the court in an instant, and asked for the double entendres to be deleted. But her friend Dr Arbuthnot thought her philosophical: ‘not displeas’d I believe with the ballad, but only with being bit’.
116
At the time of Peter the Wild Boy’s arrival, Princess Caroline had just lost the services of yet another Maid of Honour, Mary Howard. She’d had to resign because of her marriage, on 14 March 1726, to Henry Scott, first Earl of Deloraine, one of the Gentlemen of the Bedchamber to Prince George Augustus.
117
Soon to be widowed, though, Lady Deloraine would later return to become a court figure of great consequence.
*
Princess Caroline, the Maids of Honour and the Women of the Bedchamber were all fascinated by Peter. Petted and cosseted by the ladies of Leicester House, he settled down as well as could be expected. Yet he gave back very little, showing no affection and demanding inexhaustible patience. The female courtiers began to treat him as a joke, spreading it about that his sturdy body and his lack of speech would make him a fine, discreet toy boy.
Only the endlessly protective Princess Caroline and Dr Arbuthnot stood between Peter and a life as a character in a freak show.
The Wild Boy’s overnight social success had been achieved at great cost to his high spirits and love of freedom. In Daniel Defoe’s words, he’d made an extraordinary ‘leap from the woods to the court; from the forest among beasts … to the society of all the wits and beaus of the age’. But despite the care that was lavished upon him, Peter was simply a creature in captivity. It was clear that really he longed ‘to run wild again in the woods’ and ‘to live as he did before’.
118
And he was not the only courtier to find the palace more like a prison.
1
. Lord Berkeley of Stratton quoted in Aston (2008), p. 189.
2
. Stanhope (1774), Vol. 2, p. 171.
3
. Llanover (1861), Vol. 1, p. 175 (1728).
4
. Saussure (1902), p. 149.
5
. Anon.,
An Enquiry How the Wild Youth
,
Lately taken in the Woods near Hanover
,
(and now brought over the England) could be there left, and by what Creature he
could be suckled, nursed and brought up
(London, 1726), p. 3.
6
.
Brice’s Weekly Journal
(8 April 1726), p. 3.
7
.
Ibid
. Saussure (1902) p. 149.
8
. Plaque at the gate of Herrenhausen Garden, Hanover.
9
. The forest is named as Hertswold in the brass plaque in Northchurch Church. See John Edwin Cussans,
History of Hertfordshire
(London, 1879–1881), Vol. 3, p. 90.
10
. Anon.,
An Enquiry
(1726), p. 2.
11
.
The St James
’
s Evening Post
(14 December 1725), quoted in James Burnet, Lord Monboddo,
Antient Metaphysics
(1779–99), Vol. 3 (London and Edinburgh, 1784), p. 58.
12
. Anon.,
An Enquiry
(1726), p. 2.
13
.
Brice’s Weekly Journal
(8 April 1726), p. 3.
14
. Anon.,
An
Enquiry
(1726), p. 4.
15
.
Brice
’
s Weekly Journal
(8 April 1726), p. 3.
16
.
The St James
’
s Evening Post
(14 December 1725), quoted in Burnet, Vol. 3 (1784), p. 58.
17
.
The Gentleman’s Magazine
, Vol. 20 (November, 1751), p. 522.
18
. Burnet, Vol. 3 (1784), p. 370.
19
.
Brice
’
s Weekly Journal
(8 April 1726), p. 3.
20
. Anon.,
An
Enquiry
(1726), p. 3.
21
. Harold Williams (Ed.),
The Correspondence of Jonathan Swift
, 5 vols (Oxford, 1963–5), Vol. 4, p. 98, Swift to Lady Elizabeth Germain (8 January 1733).
22
.
Ibid.
, Vol. 3, p. 128, Swift to Thomas Tickell (16 April 1726).
23
. Walpole,
Reminiscences
(1818 edn), pp. 7–8.
24
.
Ibid
.
25
. BL Egerton MS 1717, f. 79 (1726).
26
. Rosenthal (1970), p. 93.
27
. Quoted in Coxe (1798b), Vol. 1, p. 267.
28
. Wraxall (1904), pp. 450–1.
29
. Coxe (1798b), Vol. 1, p. 57.
30
. Anon.,
The Character of George the First
(1777), p. 2.
31
. Anon.,
The Grand Exemplar Set forth, in an Impartial Character Of His Sacred
Majesty King George
(London, 1715), pp. 1–2.
32
. BL Add MS 75358, Richard Arundell to Lord Burlington (14 April 1726).
33
.
The Country Gentleman
, No. 10 (11 April 1726), quoted in Burnet, Vol. 3 (1784), p. 60.
34
. Williams (1963–5), Vol. 3, p. 128, Swift to Thomas Tickell (16 April 1726); Anon. (attributed to Daniel Defoe),
Mere Nature Delineated
(1726), p. 31.
35
.
The Gentleman’s Magazine
, Vol. 55 (March, 1785), p. 236; Joanna Marschner, ‘Caroline of Ansbach: The Queen, Collecting and Connoisseurship at the Early Georgian Court’, PhD thesis, University College (London, 2007), p. 52.
36
. Zacharias Conrad von Uffenbach,
London in 1710
,
from the travels of Zacharias
Conrad von Uffenbach
(London, 1934), p. 118.
37
. Smith (2006), p. 80.
38
. Kathleen Wilson,
The Sense of the People: Politics, Culture and Imperialism in
England, 1715–1785
(Cambridge, 1995), p. 37.
39
. Anon. (attributed to Daniel Defoe),
Mere Nature Delineated
(1726), p. iii.
40
. Newton (2002), p. 35.
41
. Anon. (attributed to Daniel Defoe),
Mere Nature Delineated
(1726), pp. 22, iv.
42
. SRO 941/47/4, p. 111, John Hervey to Ste Fox (13 June 1730).
43
. Stanhope (1774), Vol. 1, p. 146.
44
.
London Magazine
(London, 1774), p. 213, quoted in Ribeiro (1984), p. 120.
45
. Anon.,
An Enquiry
(1726), p. 4.
46
. Saussure (1902), p. 43; Cowper (1864), p. 21.
47
.
Anon.,
A collection of ordinances and regulations for the government of the Royal Household
(Society of Antiquaries, London, 1790), p. 367; R. O. Bucholz, ‘Going to Court in 1700: a visitor’s guide’,
The Court Historian,
Vol. 4.3 (December 2000), p. 200.
48
. Saussure (1902), pp. 40–1.
49
. BL Add MS 61474, f. 16v, Mrs South to Sarah, Countess of Marlborough (15 March?1694).
50
. BL Add MS 22627, ff. 90v–91r.
51
. Anne Somerset,
Ladies in Waiting
(London, 1984), p. 203.
52
. Bucholz (2000), p. 185.
53
. Stanhope (1774), Vol. 2, p. 165.
54
.
Ibid.
, Vol. 1, pp. 268–9.
55
. Anon.,
It cannot Rain
(London, 1726), p. 9.
56
.
Brice’s Weekly Journal
(8 April 1726), p. 3;
Edinburgh Evening Courant
(12 April 1726), quoted in Burnet, Vol. 3 (1784), p. 60.
57
.
Brice’s Weekly Journal
(8 April 1726), p. 3.
58
. Anon. (attributed to Daniel Defoe),
Mere Nature Delineated
(1726), p. 24.
59
. Anon.,
An Enquiry
(1726), p. 4.
60
. Burnet, Vol. 3 (1784), p. 369.
61
. Anon.,
An Enquiry
(1726), p. 3.
62
. Anon.,
It cannot Rain
(1726), p. 5.
63
. Anon.,
An Enquiry
(1726), p. 3.
64
.
Ibid.
, p. 4.
65
. Burnet, Vol. 3 (1784), p. 58.
66
.
Brice’s Weekly Journal
(8 April 1726), p. 3.
67
. John Boyle, fifth Earl of Orrery,
Remarks on the Life and Writings of Dr
Jonathan Swift
(London, 1752), p. 164.
68
. George Berkeley quoted in George Aitken,
The Life and Works of John
Arbuthnot
(Oxford, 1892), p. 55.
69
. Lord Chesterfield quoted in Aitken (1892), p. 134.
70
. Sherburn (1956), Vol. 2, p. 253; Angus Ross (Ed.),
The Correspondence of Dr
John Arbuthnot
(Münster, 2006), p. 259 (Swift to Pope, 29 September 1725).
71
. Anon.,
The Most Wonderful Wonder That ever appear’d to the Wonder of the
British Nation
(London, 1726), p. 7.
72
. Anon.,
An Enquiry
(1726), p. 3.
73
. Franklin (1993), p. 106.
74
. Anon.,
The Most Wonderful Wonder
(1726), p. 7.
75
. Anon.,
An Enquiry
(1726), p. 4.
76
.
Edinburgh Evening Courant
(14 November 1726), quoted in Burnet, Vol. 3 (1784) p. 61.
77
.
Edinburgh Evening Courant
(5 July 1726), quoted in Burnet, Vol. 3 (1784), p. 60.
78
. Coxe (1798b), Vol. 1, p. 275.
79
. Margaret Maria Verney (Ed.),
Verney Letters of the Eighteenth Century from the
MSS. at Claydon House
(London, 1930), Vol. 2, p. 22.
80
. Williams (1963–5), Vol. 4, p. 98, Swift to Lady Elizabeth Germain (8 January
1733).
81
. Onno Klopp (Ed.),
Correspondence de Leibniz
(Hanover, 1874), p. 105 (25 October 1704).
82
.
Ibid.
, p. 108 (1 November 1704).
83
. John Gay,
The poetical works of John Gay, from the royal quarto edition of 1720
(London, 1797), ‘Epistles’, p. 9.
84
. TNA SP 84/161, p. 594, Poley to Harley (Hanover, 28 July 1705).
85
. Hervey (1931), Vol. 2, p. 514.
86
. RA GEO/ADD28/52, transcript by Mrs Clayton of a letter from Caroline to Mrs Clayton (n.d.).
87
. Letter from Queen Caroline to Princess Anne quoted in Arkell (1939), pp.297–8.
88
. Kroll (1970), p. 214 (27 August 1719).
89
. Edmund Turnor,
Collections for the history of the town and soke of Grantham
(London, 1806), p. 164, ‘Memoirs of Sir Isaac Newton, sent by Mr Conduitt to Monsieur Fontenelle’ (1727).
90
.
By several hands, Sketches and Characters of the most Eminent and most Singular
Persons Now Living
(London, 1770), p. 10.
91
. Smith (2006), p. 206.
92
. Account given by Frederick the Great, quoted in Wilkins (1901), Vol. 1, p. 34.
93
. Ross (2006), p. 274 (John Arbuthnot to Jonathan Swift, 30 November 1726).
94
. Walpole,
Reminiscences
(1818 edn), p. 73.
95
. A. Hamilton,
Memoirs of Count Grammont
, Ed. W. Scott (London, 1905), p. 225.
96
. BL Add MS 31144, f. 524v, Peter Wentworth to Lord Strafford (12 October1714).
97
. Jonathan Swift and Alexander Pope in John Arbuthnot,
Miscellanies
(Dublin,1746), p. 254, ‘A true and faithful narrative of what pass’d in
London
’.
98
. BL Add MS 22628, f. 21r, Molly Hervey to Henrietta Howard (7 July 1729).
99
. Wilkins (1901), Vol. 1, pp. 166–7.