Butterfly Wings: An Egyptian Novel (Modern Arabic Literature) (19 page)

One pro-regime newspaper published an investigation into the group of detained young people. It stated that Salwa al-Eleimi and Hala Abdel Shahid had been alternating between the demonstrations and the operations room, along with other volunteers who were sending out text messages. Hassan al-Lithi and Ayman al-Hamzawi had managed to find a way to mislead the authorities whenever an activist used the Internet: the emails that the security agencies saw were not the originals, but had been rewritten automatically to mislead.

This information further inflamed the situation. The masses were not content to stay at home, but took to the streets in demonstrations that spread throughout Cairo and, in a matter of hours, had spread to Alexandria, then the South and other governorates. This was because the people felt it was hopeless ever to expect the party to reform its worn-out methods that ignored the demands of the masses and made an example of any oppositional political force. The situation was rapidly heading out of control.

After a few more hours, an emergency cabinet meeting declared a curfew for the first time in decades. But the mobilization of the people was more powerful than any declaration. No one adhered to the curfew, so, without calling another meeting, the government took a further decision. This decision was not reported, but it meant that Central Security Forces swamped the streets of Cairo, Alexandria, Aswan, Tanta, Mansoura, Suez, Port Said, and other cities. No one could have imagined the sheer numbers of riot police, as many as a regular army. The unleashing of Central Security only served to strengthen the will
to disobey and rebel. The numbers of demonstrators increased, and demonstrations spread to other cities and towns.

The government had only two choices: to resign and give up power for the first time in decades, or to deploy the army. At a stormy cabinet meeting, party secretary-general Abdel Rahman al-Safti asked the minister of defense to make preparations to send in the army within hours.

None of the ministers, or even the prime minister, who was dancing to the tune of the secretary-general, expected that the minister of defense would refuse to deploy the army. He gave a historic speech in which he reminded the cabinet that the army existed to defend the nation’s territory against invasion and occupation, not to attack Egyptians, whatever their affiliations or actions. Those who broke the law should be brought to trial, he affirmed. He finished by saying, “I’m not happy with the chaos in the country but, as long as I hold this post, I will not permit the army to be used in a political conflict.”

The secretary-general felt that matters were slipping out of his control. He yelled at the minister of defense, “What are you saying, man? The country will fall apart! We’re at war, there’s no doubt about it. The security forces stepped up when their country called upon them and they took to the streets. These disturbances are being backed by a foreign power and that means the military must act.”

The minister of defense did not respond to the yelling of the secretary-general. He answered calmly, “The actions of the security forces are not for me to judge. History will have the final say. But the army belongs to the people. It is not a tool for the government or the regime.” Calm and confident, he went on, “I will not go down in history as having caused a confrontation between the army and the people.”

Abdel Rahman al-Safti said to him, “You would do well to remember that you are a minister in the party’s cabinet. The prime minister is giving you an order to confront the anarchy that is threatening the country.”

The prime minister immediately jumped in to support the party secretary-general: “It is a matter of national security and the full cabinet is unanimous over the deployment of the army.”

The minister of defense looked the ministers in the eye, one by one. Some looked away, others looked vacant; only a few met his gaze. “Are you all agreed on sending in the army?” he asked.

The prime minister replied, “It is the decision of the full cabinet.”

“In that case I am no longer a member of the government.”

He tore a piece of paper from the pad in front of him, picked up his pen, and wrote his resignation letter. Handing it to the prime minister, he said, “This is my resignation. It does not provide grounds, out of respect for the years we have worked together. All I ask is for it to be accepted forthwith. If I leave here and am still minister of defense, I shall issue orders to the armed forces not to intervene in the current political crisis.”

That evening a detail of army officers headed to the former defense minister’s residence and asked to see him. The senior officer, a lieutenant-general, saluted him and said, “Sir … the military command has issued an order regarding you. What are your instructions?”

“What is the order?” asked the ex-minister.

“I’m sorry, sir … the order is to arrest you.”

“And in the army are you not accustomed to obeying orders?”

“Sir, yes, sir …”

“Carry out your orders, lieutenant!” he shouted.

The next day, the state press and media carried an official
statement to the effect that the minister of defense was part of the conspiracy. He had refused to execute the government’s decision to deploy the military to restore order. This action would give the rebels a chance to cause the chaos they had planned.

Under the state of emergency, the press could only publish the government line and military censorship was imposed on the newswires coming from Egypt. Some Cairo-based satellite channels were shut down. The fight moved to the electronic realm: the Internet and SMS messages. The foreign press reported that cassette tapes had brought down the Shah of Iran in the 1970s, and it seemed likely that the cell phone would bring down the regime in Egypt.

By text message, Dr. Ashraf al-Zayni’s statements were being relayed via activists to the masses of the people. Photographs showing the reality of the torture endured by detainees were circulated on the Net and via cell phones.

The crisis deepened with the ongoing campaign of civil disobedience, even though several times a day there was an official broadcast warning those who did not turn up for work during the present state of emergency that they would be dealt with as traitors. No one paid any attention. The government’s communiqués only catalyzed more people to join the campaign of disobedience.

Business stopped completely. The security forces lost control of the raging masses. The government persisted in its stubbornness for a few more days, during which the people’s anger turned destructive. Party offices were stormed, government offices were wrecked, and the homes of two ministers were attacked. Some members of parliament declared their support for the masses and their demands.

The party leadership began to realize there was no way out, and feared revenge. They issued a statement in which they said that in adherence to the longstanding policy of the government to comply with the wishes of the masses, the ruling party had sacked the government.

31 Release

D
oha was still unable to believe what had happened as she listened to Dr. Ashraf’s speech on the television. In a matter of hours, the government had fallen, the party had fallen, and she had been released. The Coalition of Egyptian Political Forces had called for the first free elections in years.

Dr. Ashraf al-Zayni emerged from prison to a country in a constitutional vacuum following the resignation of the government, the withdrawal of the party, and the interior minister’s declaration that he was staying on in his post to maintain order until a new government was formed. The chief-of-staff of the army, who had taken over after the resignation of the defense minister, remained committed to the ex-minister’s hands-off policy in terms of involving the military in political conflicts.

Dr. Ashraf al-Zayni went straight from prison to the meeting of the Coalition of Political Forces, where he met with the country’s political leaders to consider the situation.

Surprise developments came one after another. A day before the meeting, a group of police officers had managed to oust the interior minister and his close advisors, and had joined the new
coalition. The coalition invited senior figures in the police and military to attend the meeting. Shortly before it convened, the police issued a statement saying that the police were placing themselves at the disposal of the coalition representing the popular movements. The statement added that the police saw their role as only to protect the security of the people. They were above any political differences and, like the army, were not a weapon in party-political conflicts. At the same time, political detainees arrested during the recent upheavals were released.

The meeting of the coalition was chaired by Dr. Ashraf al-Zayni. The interior ministry’s statement was welcomed and the role of the former minister of defense was acknowledged.

The meeting lasted more than six hours, in an atmosphere of excited anticipation on the part of the masses and the local and international media. At the final press conference, it was announced that Dr. Ashraf al-Zayni had been chosen to head the coalition. The hall rang with applause as he made his way to the podium to announce the decisions taken at the meeting.

“Egypt is at a historic juncture, a critical phase representing the birth pangs of a new order, the transition from one state of affairs to another. Gone are the days dominated by the forces of corruption and oppression. A new day has come when the hopes of the masses for freedom, democracy, and a decent life will be fulfilled.”

He clarified: “These birth pangs, so long awaited, would not have happened were it not for the contribution of the masses who refused to allow things to continue as they were. They had the final word that changed the whole balance of political power and brought us all to this point.”

He added that, as circumstances dictated and in compliance with the will of the masses, the members of the coalition had
agreed to form a Higher National Assembly made up of representatives of the patriotic forces. Its task would be to administer the country for three months preparatory to new elections comprising all the parties and movements in the coalition.

This was not the end of the matter, he affirmed, but only its beginning. A new constitution would be drawn up, enabling a review of all the laws in force, so a new period in the country’s history could begin; one that strived to fulfill the hopes of the masses that had long been delayed.

Doha’s eyes welled with tears as she listened to the speech. She looked at her brother Talaat and his wife and saw that they were as emotional as she was. The whole country was in a state of high emotion, as though it had just emerged triumphant from a war. Popular marches made their way to the headquarters of the coalition to declare the support of the populace, in all its elements, for the coalition and Dr. Ashraf al-Zayni.

Gradually the atmosphere calmed down, and life returned to its normal pace. For the first time since returning from Italy, Doha called Dr. Ashraf. She welcomed him back, and he asked who she was. She said, “I’m a citizen who wants to hold a demonstration in support of the new coalition and its head.”

Dr. Ashraf let out the laugh that Doha had imagined she would never hear again. He said, “Now I know who you are, my beautiful Egyptian butterfly.”

“Don’t count on it,” she replied. “They tried to clip her wings in prison.”

“She must have the biggest and most beautiful wings now.”

The conversation only ended once they had arranged to meet.

Next morning, Doha called Medhat al-Safti without her brother acting as go-between. “I just want to let you know,” she said, “that I’m filing for divorce today.”

He replied calmly, “But why? I promised Talaat that I would divorce you after the elections. Since the party seems to have been excluded from the coming vote, which, even so, they are calling free, democratic, and transparent, there is nothing to stop your divorce. You will receive the papers very shortly.”

Doha put down the phone and took a deep breath of a kind long unfamiliar. For the first time she felt free. She had been liberated from the women’s prison in Qanatir where they had transferred her. Equally, she had been liberated from the prison she had spent her whole life in, even before meeting or marrying Medhat.

When Doha went into Dr. Ashraf’s office at the coalition headquarters, he was surrounded by a group of young people who had just been released from detention. He introduced them to her, saying, “These are the greatest young people in the country. Without their efforts and the efforts of their colleagues, the country would not have been liberated.” Doha immediately recognized Hala, who had made her chant slogans for the first time in her life and who had fallen to the ground in front of her at the High Court demonstration. Doha greeted her warmly and said, “Thank God you’re safe and sound, Hala. How are you doing?”

“I’m fine, as you can see,” she replied. “Thank God you’re safe and sound too. All of us were following your news.”

Hassan, Ayman, and Salwa came closer, congratulating her and telling her that she had become a shining example for many of their young colleagues.

Dr. Ashraf said to Doha, “Soon we will be celebrating the marriage of Hala to Hassan and Salwa to Ayman.”

“Many congratulations!” said Doha. They said that they wanted her and Dr. Ashraf to be the first invited guests.

Once she was alone with Dr. Ashraf, the first thing Doha said was that she felt that she had only been set free that day. He said, “Were you calling me yesterday from prison?”

“Yes,” she said. “The vast prison I was living inside. Only today have I been set free. I received my divorce papers and now I’m free.”

Dr. Ashraf grinned and looked pleased. He said, “Did the whole country have to be set free for you to gain your freedom?” Doha smiled in silence.

He noticed that she had lost weight since he had last seen her, but her figure still retained its distinctive curves. Tenderly, he took her in his arms and said, “What did they do to you, my little one? You’ve lost weight.”

She replied calmly, “Maybe I’ve thrown off the heavy burden I’ve been carrying for years.”