Between Slavery and Freedom (24 page)

Sir, suffer me to recall to your mind, that time, in which the arms and tyranny of the British crown were exerted . . . to reduce you to a state of servitude . . . This, Sir, was a time when you clearly saw into the injustice of a state of slavery . . . but, Sir, how pitiable is it to reflect, that although you were so fully convinced of the benevolence of the Father of Mankind, and of his equal and impartial distribution of these rights and privileges . . . you should at the same time counteract his mercies, in detaining by fraud and violence so numerous a part of my brethren, under groaning captivity and cruel oppression, that you should at the same time be found guilty of that most criminal act, which you professedly detested in others, with respect to yourselves.

I suppose that your knowledge of the situation of my brethren, is too extensive to need a recital here; neither shall I presume to prescribe methods by which they may be relieved, otherwise than by recommending to you and all others, to wean yourselves from those narrow prejudices which you have imbibed with respect to them, and as Job proposed to his friends, “put your soul in their souls' stead;” thus shall your hearts be enlarged with kindness
and benevolence towards them; and thus shall you need neither the direction of myself or others, in what manner to proceed herein.

Source:
Copy of a Letter from Benjamin Banneker, to the Secretary of State, with his Answer
(Philadelphia: Daniel Lawrence, 1792), 3–4, 6–9.

African Americans Petition Congress (1799)

In December 1799, Absalom Jones and seventy-three other free black
Philadelphians
petitioned Congress (then meeting in Philadelphia) on behalf of the entire black community of the United States. For free people they asked for laws to prevent kidnapping and forced re-enslavement. For the slaves they asked for a federal gradual abolition law. Members of Congress were outraged. With the Haitian revolution fresh in their minds, they feared that if they accepted and discussed the petition it would encourage blacks to become even bolder and demand equality with whites. Black men might even imagine that they should be able to vote and run for office. Only one member, Massachusetts representative George Thacher, argued in favor of the petitioners, saying that they had used “decent” and “respectful” language and they had as much right as other Americans to ask Congress to consider what they had to say.

To the President, Senate, and House of Representatives.

The Petition of the People of Colour, free men, within the City and Suburbs of Philadelphia, humbly sheweth,

That, thankful to God, our Creator, and to the Government under which we live, for the . . . enjoyment of our natural right to liberty, and the protection of our persons and property, from the oppression and violence which so great a number of like colour and national descent are subject to, we feel ourselves bound . . . to lead honest and peaceable lives . . . yet while we feel impressed with grateful sensations for the Providential favor we ourselves enjoy, we cannot be insensible of the condition of our afflicted brethren, suffering . . . in different parts of these states; but deeply sympathizing with them, are incited by a sense of social duty, and humbly conceive ourselves authorized to address and petition you on their behalf . . . We do not ask for an immediate emancipation of all . . . yet, humbly desire you may exert every means in your power to undo the heavy burdens, and prepare the way for the oppressed to go free, that every yoke may be broken . . . [W]e beseech, that as we are men, we may be admitted
to partake of the liberties and unalienable rights . . . held forth [in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution]; firmly believing that the extending of justice and equity to all classes would be a means of drawing down the blessing of Heaven upon this land, for the peace and prosperity of which, and the real happiness of every member of the community, we fervently pray.

Source: John Parrish
, Remarks on the Slavery of the Black People; Addressed to the Citizens of the United States, Particularly to those who are in Legislative or Executive Stations in the General or State Governments; and also to Such Individuals as Hold Them in Bondage
(Philadelphia: Kimber, Conrad & Co., 1806), 49–51.

Free People of Color in New Orleans React to the Louisiana Purchase (1804)

Free people of color in and around New Orleans had good reason to fear that the rights they had enjoyed under French and Spanish rule would be cut back after the United States took control of the Louisiana Territory. The members of the elite officer corps of the “colored” militia units were especially worried. They knew that the American authorities regarded armed black men as dangerous and inherently untrustworthy, regardless of their free or slave status. They hastened to assure the new territorial governor, William C. C. Claiborne, that whenever he needed their services he could call upon them and they would be only too happy to prove their loyalty to their new country. The true test of their devotion came a decade later when they helped Andrew Jackson defeat the British in the epic Battle of New Orleans.

To his Excellency, William C. C. Claiborne, Governor General and Intendant of Louisiana.

We, the subscribers, free citizens of Louisiana, beg leave to approach your Excellency with sentiments of respect and esteem, and sincere attachment to the government of the United States.

We are natives of this province, and our dearest interests are connected with its welfare. We therefore feel a lively joy that the sovereignty of the country is at length united with that of the American Republic. We are duly sensible that our personal and political freedom is thereby assured to us forever, and are also impressed with the fullest confidence in the justice and
liberality of the government towards every class of citizens which they have taken under their protection.

We [were] employed in the military service of the late governor, and we hope we may be permitted to say, that our conduct in that service has ever been distinguished by a ready attention to the duties required of us. Should we be in like manner honored by the American government, to which every principle of interest as well as affection attaches us, permit us to assure your excellency that we shall serve with fidelity and zeal. We therefore respectfully offer our services to the government as a corps of volunteers, agreeably to any arrangement which may be thought expedient.

Source:
Republican Star
(Maryland), March 20, 1804

Black Voting Rights in New York (1810)

Free men of color in New York who owned property and paid taxes expected to be able to cast their votes on election day, and they generally voted for Fed
eralist
ca
ndidat
es. It had not escaped their attention that Federalists tended to favor the abolition of slavery in New York and often championed the rights of
African
Am
erican
s, free and enslaved. In 1821, New York would disfranchise all but the wealthiest black men, while giving the vote to poorer white men, but in 1810, when they held an election rally at the appropriately-named Liberty Hall, black New Yorkers were still optimistic about the future and still firmly in the Federalist camp. New York's Democratic Republicans criticized them as naive and misguided, but they replied that they were astute enough to know who their friends were.

At a very numerous and respectable meeting of the free people of colour, held . . . on Saturday evening, April 21, at Liberty Hall, for the purpose of taking into consideration, and of approving of those Candidates that [were] nominated by the Federal Committee . . .

Resolved unanimously,
That as free People of Colour, in a Land of Liberty, we claim the privilege, to assemble in a peaceable manner, especially on an occasion so important as the present. . . .

Resolved unanimously,
That . . . we are determined to support the Federalist Ticket, fully convinced that from the American Independence the Constitution of these U. States was Federal, and approved of by Washington, the Saviour of our Country, who was first in war and first in peace.

Resolved unanimously,
That we owe our gratitude to the Present Corporation of the City of N. York—that we will use all our exertions in behalf of the Federal Ticket, trusting that if Federal men are elevated to the highest offices in the government we shall enjoy the blessings of Liberty and Justice.

Source:
New York Spectator
, April 25, 1810

African-American Cultural and Religious Life in Baltimore (1810)

Although slavery was legal in Maryland, Baltimore had one of the largest free black communities in the nation. The wave of emancipations that had taken place across the Upper South in the 1780s, combined with the economic opportunities that Baltimore offered to black migrants, resulted in a free population that numbered almost 4,000 by 1810. However, numbers did not translate into social equality. It would have been unthinkable, for instance, to have asked whites and blacks to sit together, or even enter a building by the same door. On this occasion, black community leaders were eager to display the talents of their young people, raise funds for a new church, and convince upper-class whites that they, too, were law-abiding citizens who valued education and religion.

There will be an exhibition of the African School on Tuesday night next, in the African Church, in Sharp-street. The performance will commence with singing and prayer, after which the Constitution of the Baltimore African Library Society for Mutual Relief will be read . . . and 5 appropriate speeches spoken by 5 of the pupils. Next, a collection will be made in order to defray the expences
[sic]
of the night, and the surplus (if any) shall be for the purpose of aiding the Trustees of said Church in lessening the debt that is still due on the African Church recently purchased in Old Town. After which, the whole will be concluded with singing and prayer.

Seats will be reserved in the lower part of the house, for the white gentlemen and ladies that may be disposed to attend, who will be admitted in at the side door without tickets.