A History of the Roman World (62 page)

30
E
TRUSCAN ART
. See P. J. Riis,
An Introduction to Etruscan Art
(1953). Two finely illustrated books are R. Bloch,
Etruscan Art
(1959) and M. Moretti and G. Maetzke,
The Art of the Etruscans
(1970). Cf. also M. Santangelo,
Musei e Monumenti Etruschi
(1960). Two small
but useful books on painting are A. Stenico,
Roman and Etruscan Painting
(1963) and R. Bartoccini,
The Etruscan Paintings of Tarquinia
(Milan, 1959). Bibliography in L. Banti,
The Etruscan Cities
(1973), 281–6. L. Bonfante,
Etruscan Dress
(1976).

31
E
TRUSCAN RELIGION
. C. Clemen,
Die Religion der Etrusker
(1936); L. Ross Taylor,
Local Cults in Etruria
(1923); C. O. Thulin,
Die Etruskische Disciplin
, 3 vols (1906–9); F. de Ruyt,
Charun, démon étrusque de la mort
(1934); A. J. Pfiffig,
Religio Etrusca
(Graz, 1975).

32
E
TRUSCAN LANGUAGE
. The majority of inscriptions have been published in
Corpus Inscriptionum Etruscarum
(1893–, still in progress). New material appears in the annual periodical,
Studi Etruschi
. M. Pallottino,
Testimonia Linguae Etruscae
, edn 2 (1968) provides a collection of over 900 inscriptions. For general treatment see M. Pallottino,
The Etruscans
(1974), chs 10–12; R. A. Staccioli,
La lingua degli Etruschi
, edn 2 (1969).
    The Pyrgi inscriptions were written on sheets of gold leaf, two in Etruscan and one in Punic; they were found between two early fifth-century temples. They record a dedication by Thefarie Valianas, ruler of Caere, to Uni-Astarte, a Phoenician goddess, and belong to
c.
500
BC
. Their linguistic value is great, even though they do not provide a strictly bilingual inscription since their content is only similar and not exactly the same. The dedication of a shrine by an Etruscan to a Punic deity suggests very close relations between Caere and Carthage, and probably the existence at Pyrgi of a small settlement of Carthaginian merchants. Of the large bibliography which has grown up since the discovery of the tablets in 1964 reference may be made to J. Heurgon,
JRS
, 1966, 1 ff.; J. Ferron,
Aufstieg NRW
, I, i, 189 ff.

33
E
TRUSCAN LITERATURE
. See especially J. Heurgon,
Daily Life of the Etruscans
(1964), ch. viii, who emphasizes its volume, and W. V. Harris,
Rome in Etruria and Umbria
(1971), ch. i, who circumscribes its extent. On Claudius the Etruscologist see A. D. Momigliano,
Claudius
, edn 2 (1961), 11 ff., 85 f., 128. The François tomb painting at Vulci: Momigliano, op. cit., 85; for the date 340–310 see M. Cristofani,
Dialoghi di Archeologia
1967, 186 ff. Elogia: see M. Torelli,
Elogia Tarquiniensia
(1975) and the discussion of this by T. J. Cornell,
JRS
, 1978, 167 ff. On Etruscan historiography see Cornell,
Annali di Pisa
, iii, 6 (1976), 432 ff.

34
E
TRUSCAN MAGISTRATES
. A model iron axe with
fasces
of
c.
600
BC
was found in a tomb at Vetulonia, the very place where this symbol of power was said by the ancient sources to have been invented. When the twelve cities of the Etruscan League united for a common enterprise, the twelve rulers of the cities each carried one axe; this was probably the origin of the twelve
fasces
carried by lictors in front of the kings and consuls of Rome. Funerary sarcophagi from southern Etruria and alabaster urns from Volterrae depict processions of Etruscan magistrates, generally riding in chariots, with attendants carrying
fasces
. See R. Lambrechts,
Essai sur les magistratures des républiques étrusques
(1959), with illustrations. On the constitutional aspect of the magistrates see J. Heurgon,
Historia
, 1957, 63 ff.

35
T
HE ETRUSCAN LEAGUE
. Its strength or weakness, its composition and functions and other problems are briefly discussed by Scullard,
Etruscan Cities
, 231–6.

36
E
TRUSCAN SOCIAL STRUCTURE
. See J. Heurgon,
Latomus
, 1959, 3 ff.; S. Mazzarino,
Historia
, 1957, 98 ff.; Scullard,
Etruscan Cities
, 236 ff. Military reforms: A. M. Snodgrass,
Arms and Armour of the Greeks
(1967), ch. iii.

37
E
TRUSCAN EXPANSION
. Cato,
Origines
, ii frg. 62P. For more detail and references to the ancient and modern authorities on Etruscan expansion in Italy see Scullard,
The Etruscan Cities and Rome
(1967), ch. vi (in the south) and vii (in the north). On Etruscan influence in northern Italy see L. Bonfante,
Archaeological News
, v, 1976, 93 ff.

38
A
LALIA
. See Herodotus, i, 163 ff.; Diodorus, v, 13; Strabo, v, 2, 7.

39
E
TRUSCO-CARTHAGINIAN TREATY
. See Aristotle,
Politics
, iii, 9; 1280a 35.

40 A
RISTODEMUS AND CUMAE
. The history of Aristodemus is recorded by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, vii, 2–12 (cf. Jacoby,
FGrH
, no. 576). Whatever other elements have gone into this story, these include a local chronicle of Cumae which may be regarded as essentially reliable. This has wider implications, since it provides an account which is independent of the Roman tradition and bears testimony to the general historical background of events in Roman history connected with the fall of the monarchy there, with Porsenna and the Latins before the end of the sixth century.
    The battle of Cumae was celebrated in one of Pindar’s Odes to Hiero, and by the spoils that Hiero sent to Olympia: these include two surviving Etruscan helmets, inscribed: ‘Hiero and the Syracusans (dedicated) to Zeus the Etruscan spoils won at Cumae.’ See Pindar,
Pythian
, i, 71 and (for the helmets) Meiggs and Lewis,
Greek Historical Inscriptions
, vol. 1 (1969), n. 29, p. 62.

41
E
TRUSCANS IN NORTHERN ITALY
. In general see G. A. Mansuelli and R. Scarani,
L’Emilia prima dei Romani
(1961), especially ch. vi;
Mostra dell’Etruria Padana
, edn 2, 2 vols (1961). An introduction to Marzabotto is provided by G. A. Mansuelli,
Marzabotto. Guida alla Città
(Bologna, 1966). On Spina see S. Aurigemma,
Il Museo naz. arch. di Spina in Ferrara
(1957); P. E. Arias and N. Alfieri,
Spina
(1958).

42
L
ATIUM
. Theophrastus,
Hist. Plant.
, v, 8, 3. See T. Ashby,
The Roman Campagna in Classical Times
(1927, reprinted 1970); B. Tilley,
Vergil’s Latium
(1947). Traces of the primitive forests survive in the Forests of Castel Porziano and of Circeo, while Romans of later days could be reminded of the numerous lakes, lagoons and ponds of early times when they looked at the Lacus Curtius in the Forum or the low-lying ground occupied by the Circus Maximus or the Colosseum.

43
L
ATIAL CULTURE
. The archaeological evidence is published in a massive corpus by P. G. Gierow,
The Iron Age Culture of Latium
, I (1966), II, i (1964). See also the catalogue of the exhibition in Rome in 1976 entitled
Civiltà del Lazio primitivo
, published under the direction of G. Colonna. For comparison with southern Villanovan culture see Gierow, I, 483 ff. It is not certain whether the hut-urn type of ossuary spread from southern Etruria to Latium or vice versa. Gierow supposes that Latial culture arrived in two waves, first to the Alban Hills, Rome, Ardea, and perhaps Antium and Tibur, the second to Satricum and Praeneste. The early evidence from the Alban group corresponds to that of the Palatine group at Rome, while the south Latin group is linked to the Esquiline settlement. Those who argue for a long chronology (from the tenth century) include H. Müller-Karpe and R. Peroni, while E. Gjerstad and P. G. Gierow are among the proponents of the short chronology (starting
c.
800).

44
D
ECIMA AND OTHER SETTLEMENTS
. For these Latin cities and recent excavations see
Civiltà del Lazio primitivo
(1976). Decima is most probably to be identified with Politorium, on which see Livy, i, 33, 1, Cato, frg. 54P and Pliny,
NH
, iii, 68–9. Pliny says that it had long since disappeared without trace (
sine vestigiis
) and that it had been a member of the Alban League. For the excavations see
Civiltà del Lazio primitivo
(1976), 252 ff., D. Ridgway,
Arch. Reports 1973–4
, 45 f. and
Par. Pass.
xxxii, 1977, 241 ff. Ficana:
Civiltà
, 250, Ridgway, 46,
Par. Pass.
, 1977, 315 ff. La Rustica and Osteria dell’Osa;
Civiltà
, 153 ff. and 166 ff. Other sites (e.g. Alban hills, Rome, Gabii, Tivoli, Praeneste, Lavinium, Ardea, Anzio, and Satricum) are discussed in
Civiltà. Arch. Labiale
, i, 1978, 35 ff. (Ficana), 42 ff. (Gabà), 65 ff. (Satricum). On Gabii see F. Castagnoli,
Comptes Rendus
, 1977, 468 ff.: a sanctuary (to Juno?) existed from the seventh to the second century, its origin going back to the period of Gabii’s independence. On Decima see now
Archaeologia laziale
, 1979.

45
P
RISCI LATINI
. See Livy, i, 38, 4; Dion. Hal. iii, 49–50; Pliny,
NH
, iii, 68–9. Dionysius reckons the number of communities sharing in the festival of Jupiter Latiaris in the sixth
century at forty-seven. A. N. Sherwin-White,
Rom. Cit.
, 9, equates Livy’s Prisci Latini with those living between the Anio and Tiber. See also A. Bernardi,
Athenaeum
, 1964, 223 ff.

46
T
HE LATIN LEAGUE
. See A. N. Sherwin-White,
Rom. Cit.
, 11 ff.

47
E
TRUSCAN LATIUM
. See briefly H. H. Scullard,
The Etruscan Cities
(1967), 170–7. Praeneste in the fourth century had eight tributaries among the lesser Latin communities: Livy, vi, 29, 6. On the Manios inscription (
Manios med fhefhaked Numasioi’
) see
Civiltà del Lazio primitivo
, 376 ff.; A. E. Gordon,
The Inscribed Fibula Praenestina. Problems of Authenticity
(University of California Publications: Classical Studies, vol. 16, 1975); D. Ridgway, ‘Manios Faked?’,
BICS
, 24, 1977, 17 ff., who traces the ambiguous history of the fibula in modern times and concludes: ‘I see the question of authenticity in terms of precisely a “50–50” chance’.

48
A
LTARS AT LAVINIUM
. The two earliest of the thirteen (8th and 13th) probably date to the sixth century. ‘The full complement of twelve altars was reached in the fifth-fourth centuries, by which time the thirteenth had been abandoned and the eighth reconstructed’: D. Ridgway,
Arch. Reports 1967–8
, 34 (fig. 5 provides a photograph). See also C. F. Giulani and P. Sommella,
Par. Pass.
, xxxii, 1977, 356 ff; F. Castagnoli,
Comptes Rendues
, 1977, 464 ff. For the inscription (‘
Castorei Podluqveiqve Qvrois
) see S. Weinstock,
JRS
, 1960, 112 ff.

1
T
HE TIBER
. See J. le Gall,
Le Tibre
(1953); L. A. Holland,
TAPA
, 1949, 281 ff. Although the site of Rome offered the best crossing-place, the Etruscans could cross the river a little further north at Fidenae (near Veii) and Lucus Feroniae and thus reach Campania via Praeneste and the route of the later Via Latina.

2
T
HE ARCHAEOLOGICAL MATERIAL
. This is published in the monumental work of E. Gjerstad,
Early Rome
, vols i–vi (1953–73): vol. iv is partly resumptive of vols i–iii; vol. v deals with the literary evidence and vol. vi provides an historical survey. As a corpus of material it is unsurpassed, but not all Gjerstad’s interpretations of it have won general acceptance (p. 465 n. 49). For an assessment of the problems involved see A. Momig-liano,
JRS
, 1963, 95 ff. (=
Terzo Contrib.
, 545 ff). For discussion of many other aspects of early Rome see
Terzo Contrib.
, 545–695,
Quarto
, 273–499 and
Quinto
, 293–331. See also G. Poma,
Gli Studi recenti sull’ origine della repubblica romana, 1963–73
(Bologna, 1974); for various aspects of recent archaeological work see several writers in
Par. Pass.
, xxxii, 1977. A general sketch is given by R. Bloch,
The Origins of Rome
(1960), while much of great value is contained in Ogilvie,
Livy
.

3
T
HE ARGEI
. See Varro,
De Lingua Latina
, v, 45–54. They were straw puppets which were thrown into the Tiber on 14 May as a purificatory sacrifice,
possibly
being surrogates for human victims of earlier times.

4
S
EPTIMONTIUM
. The derivation from Saeptimontium is proposed by L. A. Holland,
TAPA
(1953), 16 ff. One problem is that the sources give 8 not 7 hills, but this can be explained, e.g. by eliminating Subura because it was a valley or a gloss on Caelius, or Germalus might be rejected and Palatium applied to the whole hill. It is noteworthy that Septimontium belonged to a group of
sacra publica
named
pro montibus
and that these seven hills were called
montes
, whereas the excluded Quirinal and Viminal were
colles
. R. Gelsomino,
Varrone e i sette colli di Roma
(1975), argues that, although the festival was old, it was not connected with
septem
until this derivation was propounded by Varro in 52–51
BC
.