A History of Korea (62 page)

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Authors: Professor Kyung Moon Hwang

Tags: #Education & Reference, #History, #Ancient, #Early Civilization, #Asia, #Korea, #World, #Civilization & Culture

BOOK: A History of Korea
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The “Uphold Orthodoxy and Reject Heterodoxy” movement

The teleological tug of the nineteenth century tends to direct the observer’s gaze toward the forces calling for “opening” among the Korean reactions to imperialism, but the more substantial and influential responses came from the opposing view that adamantly condemned the West. Advocates of this perspective formed a concerted movement beginning in the 1860s called
wij
ng ch’
ksa
, or “uphold orthodoxy and reject heterodoxy.” This term starkly delineated the moral differences, and reiterated the urgency of acting on those differences, between the Confucian and Western civilizations. The practice of labeling opposing ideas as heterodoxy had a long history in the wrangling over Confucian propriety in the Chos
n dynasty, but this time, as with the Manchus in the seventeenth century, the notion of heterodoxy carried an ethnicized contempt. In contrast to the Manchus who conquered Korea and China but sought to maintain Confucian civilization, however, the “barbarians from the oceans” challenged Confucianism’s supremacy. Though later eclipsed by the forces of imperialism and internal reform, this fervent rejection of any contact with the West exerted a tremendous influence on the subsequent trajectory of conservative responses to the outside world and of nationalism itself. Indeed this nineteenth-century movement’s successors included not only the Righteous Armies that fought the Japanese takeover in the opening years of the next century, but ultimately also the isolationist “self-reliance” ideology of
Juche
that came to define North Korea.

Though most readily associated in historical lore with the Prince Regent, or
Taew
n’gun
, who carried out the Catholic persecution and feverishly beat back the American and French incursions in 1866, the intellectual leader of the “reject heterodoxy” movement was Yi Hangno. Yi was actually one of the most accomplished Confucian philosophers of his time, but it was through his explication of the rationale for rejecting all intercourse with
the West that his influence became paramount. Based on the premise of Confucian civilization’s unalterability, Yi found the news of China’s own fall at the hands of the British deeply disturbing, and he claimed that these developments portended grave dangers for Korea as well. Even the slightest accommodation with these corrupting external overtures, he noted, would place the Chos
n state, populace, and civilization on a slippery slope toward disaster. Before Yi died in 1868, he served as mentor to the next generation of “uphold orthodoxy and reject heterodoxy” advocates, including those, such as Ch’oe Ikhy
n, who led the Righteous Army campaigns half a century later. For Yi, the events of 1866 only reinforced his original warnings, and although he eventually fell out of favor with the court, his advice of absolute resistance resonated with the Prince Regent, who made this stance the state policy.

The official North Korean historical view claims that Kim Il Sung’s own great grandfather led the people’s charge against the
General Sherman
that year. In an odd way, this might as well have been true, for the “self-reliance” isolationism of North Korea brought to full circle the historical trajectory that began with these events. The makeup of the dangerous outside changed from Westerners to Westerners pushing capitalism, but the claims that contact with the external world endangered the survival of Korean civilization itself remained in force.

What followed quickly was a series of study missions sent by the Korean government to Meiji Japan and Qing China to imbibe the basics of modern statecraft and technology. Participants in these trips, from high officials to young students, returned and helped implement major changes in government organization and direction in the early 1880s. The full-fledged “enlightenment” movement behind these developments challenges, in turn, the conventional view of the nineteenth century as one of decay and decline, a historical anomaly that led directly to the tragedies of the early twentieth century. Rather, the enlightenment movement, which drew partly upon the late Chos
n reform movements—and, indeed, even on the rise of the
Tonghak
religion—showed that the nineteenth century represented the logical outgrowth of the late Chos
n era. The developments in the nineteenth century also paved the way for the emergence of a fiercely indigenous voice in the opening stages of modern transition.

14

.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .

1894, A Fateful Year

CHRONOLOGY

1882
Soldier’s uprising in Seoul; establishment of diplomatic relations with US
1884
Failed coup attempt (“Kapsin Coup”) of Korean government by radicals
1894
April The Tonghak uprising
1894
July Japanese occupation of royal palace
1894
July Establishment of the Deliberative Assembly
1894
August Start of Chinese–Japanese War
1895
April End of Chinese–Japanese War
1895
October Assassination of Queen Min
1896
January Flight of Korean king to Russian legation

THE OCCUPATION OF THE ROYAL PALACE BY JAPANESE SOLDIERS, JULY 1894

In July of 1894, Otori Keisuke, Japanese minister in Korea, presented to the Korean government a set of demands for domestic reforms that would protect Japan’s security interests. Otori could act with such impudence because his soldiers were encamped in and around Seoul. They had been sent to the peninsula in the wake of China’s own entrance into the country, which had come, officially at the behest of the Korean court, to help pacify the Tonghak rebellion. This uprising had exploded in the southwest earlier in the spring and threatened to bring down the five-century-old Chos
n dynasty itself. When the Korean government refused to respond directly to Otori’s demands, Japanese troops
stormed the royal palace and sent most of the government leaders scurrying. The
Taew
n’gun
, father of the Korean king and former Prince Regent, now re-established his power with the support of the Japanese and formed a Deliberative Assembly, with sweeping governmental powers, to take charge of reform efforts. The Deliberative Assembly consisted of conservative opponents of the Korean government (like the
Taew
n’gun
), as well as moderates and progressives who had long been chafing at the bit to take control over a court dominated by the royal consort family, the Min.

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