The rest of the company now engaged in a discussion of the views propounded by Socrates; but Autolycus kept his eyes fixed on Callias. And Callias, addressing Socrates, but looking beyond him and returning the gaze of Autolycus, said: “So you intend acting the procurer, do you, Socrates, to bring me to the attention of the commonwealth, so that I may enter politics, and the state may always look upon me with favour?”
[43]
“Assuredly,” was the reply, “that is, if people see that you set your heart on virtue, not in pretence, but in reality. For false reputation is soon exposed when tried by experience, whereas true manly virtue, — barring the interposition of Providence, — confers ever more and more brilliant glory when put to the test of actual deeds.”
9.
Their conversation ended here. Autolycus got up to go out for a walk (it being now his usual time); and his father Lycon, as he was departing to accompany him, turned back and said: “So help me Hera, Socrates, you seem to me to have a truly noble character.”
[2]
After he had withdrawn, a chair of state, first of all, was set down in the room, and then the Syracusan came in with the announcement: “Gentlemen, Ariadne will now enter the chamber set apart for her and Dionysus; after that, Dionysus, a little flushed with wine drunk at a banquet of the gods, will come to join her; and then they will disport themselves together.”
[3]
Then, to start proceedings, in came Ariadne, apparelled as a bride, and took her seat in the chair. Dionysus being still invisible, there was heard the Bacchic music played on a flute. Then it was that the assemblage was filled with admiration of the dancing master. For as soon as Ariadne heard the strain, her action was such that every one might have perceived her joy at the sound; and although she did not go to meet Dionysus, nor even rise, yet it was clear that she kept her composure with difficulty.
[4]
But when Dionysus caught sight of her, he came dancing toward her and in a most loving manner sat himself on her lap, and putting his arms about her gave her a kiss. Her demeanour was all modesty, and yet she returned his embrace with affection. As the banqueters beheld it, they kept clapping and crying “encore!”
[5]
Then when Dionysus arose and gave his hand to Ariadne to rise also, there was presented the impersonation of lovers kissing and caressing each other. The onlookers viewed a Dionysus truly handsome, an Ariadne truly fair, not presenting a burlesque but offering genuine kisses with their lips; and they were all raised to a high pitch of enthusiasm as they looked on.
[6]
For they overheard Dionysus asking her if she loved him, and heard her vowing that she did, so earnestly that not only Dionysus but all the bystanders as well would have taken their oaths in confirmation that the youth and the maid surely felt a mutual affection. For theirs was the appearance not of actors who had been taught their poses but of persons now permitted to satisfy their long-cherished desires.
[7]
At last, the banqueters, seeing them in each other’s embrace and obviously leaving for the bridal couch, those who were unwedded swore that they would take to themselves wives, and those who were already married mounted horse and rode off to their wives that they might enjoy them. As for Socrates and the others who had lingered behind, they went out with Callias to join Lycon and his son in their walk.
So broke up the banquet held that evening.
Translated by O. J. Todd
This short Socratic dialogue recounts Socrates’ self-defence at his trial and execution, portraying Socrates with the surprising viewpoint that it was better to die before he suffered senility, rather than to escape execution by humbling himself before an unjust persecution. Except for Plato’s
Apology
, it is the only surviving primary account of the renowned trial.
Historians now believe that Xenophon’s interpretation of the trial was written in response to a widespread literary reaction following the trial, where Athenian public figures and authors used the event of the trial to state their views on his guilt. Xenophon was absent from the trial, being involved at that time with the march of the Ten Thousand. He cites Hermogenes as his source for the factual elements of Socrates’ speech. It is probable that Hermogenes had indeed witnessed the trial, although Plato’s
Apology
fails to mention his presence, yet his
Phaedo
lists Hermogenes among those that were present at Socrates’ death.
The main part of Xenophon’s text is a direct rejection of the attack on Socrates’ character by his opponent Anytus. Xenophon gives a clear indication of the charges brought against Socrates by Anytus. The final chapter of Xenophon’s
Memorabilia
contains some of the same material – almost word for word – as the beginning sections of his
Apology
,
leading some scholars to suspect that Xenophon’s
Apology
was the original conclusion to the
Memorabilia
.
One difference from Plato’s
Apology
is that in Xenophon’s account the Oracle at Delphi claims that no one was “more free, more just, or more sound of mind” than Socrates, while in Plato’s text the claim was only that no one was “wiser” than Socrates. Some scholars have suggested that what accounts for the difference is that Xenophon wished to avoid the explicit attribution of “wisdom”, a term which, to the average Athenian suggested that Socrates was characterised as an atheistic natural philosopher, as stigmatised by Aristophanes in
The Clouds
. However, Xenophon’s Socrates does claim to be “wise” in the sense that “from the time when I began to understand spoken words I have never left off seeking after and learning every good thing that I could”.
A further difference between Plato and Xenophon is that whereas Plato has Socrates finally suggest a thirty-mina penalty for himself, the Xenophon version of Socrates refuses to suggest any and refuses to allow his friends to do so, claiming that to do otherwise would imply guilt. Finally, whereas Socrates’ willingness to face the death penalty is explained in Plato’s
Apology
by Socrates’ by his unwavering commitment to his divinely appointed mission to keep philosophising at all costs, it is explained by Xenophon that it is better for him to die now than to face the pains and limitations of advanced old age.
‘The Death of Socrates’ by Jacques-Louis David, 1787
APOLOGIA
It seems to me fitting to hand down to memory, furthermore, how Socrates, on being indicted, deliberated on his defence and on his end. It is true that others have written about this, and that all of them have reproduced the loftiness of his words, — a fact which proves that his utterance really was of the character intimated; — but they have not shown clearly that he had now come to the conclusion that for him death was more to be desired than life; and hence his lofty utterance appears rather ill-considered.
[2]
Hermogenes, the son of Hipponicus, however, was a companion of his and has given us reports of such a nature as to show that the sublimity of his speech was appropriate to the resolve he had made. For he stated that on seeing Socrates discussing any and every subject rather than the trial, he had said:
[3]
“Socrates, ought you not to be giving some thought to what defence you are going to make?” That Socrates had at first replied, “Why, do I not seem to you to have spent my whole life in preparing to defend myself?” Then when he asked, “How so?” he had said, “Because all my life I have been guiltless of wrong-doing; and that I consider the finest preparation for a defence.” Then when Hermogenes again asked,
[4]
“Do you not observe that the Athenian courts have often been carried away by an eloquent speech and have condemned innocent men to death, and often on the other hand the guilty have been acquitted either because their plea aroused compassion or because their speech was witty?” “Yes, indeed!” he had answered; “and I have tried twice already to meditate on my defence, but my divine sign interposes.”
[5]
And when Hermogenes observed, “That is a surprising statement,” he had replied, “Do you think it surprising that even God holds it better for me to die now? Do you not know that I would refuse to concede that any man has lived a better life than I have up to now? For I have realized that my whole life has been spent in righteousness toward God and man, — a fact that affords the greatest satisfaction; and so I have felt a deep self-respect and have discovered that my associates hold corresponding sentiments toward me.
[6]
But now, if my years are prolonged, I know that the frailties of old age will inevitably be realized, — that my vision must be less perfect and my hearing less keen, that I shall be slower to learn and more forgetful of what I have learned. If I perceive my decay and take to complaining, how,” he had continued, “could I any longer take pleasure in life?
[7]
Perhaps,” he added, “God in his kindness is taking my part and securing me the opportunity of ending my life not only in season but also in the way that is easiest. For if I am condemned now, it will clearly be my privilege to suffer a death that is adjudged by those who have superintended this matter to be not only the easiest but also the least irksome to one’s friends and one that implants in them the deepest feeling of loss for the dead. For when a person leaves behind in the hearts of his companions no remembrance to cause a blush or a pang, but dissolution comes while he still possesses a sound body and a spirit capable of showing kindliness, how could such a one fail to be sorely missed?
[8]
It was with good reason,” Socrates had continued, “that the gods opposed my studying up my speech at the time when we held that by fair means or foul we must find some plea that would effect my acquittal. For if I had achieved this end, it is clear that instead of now passing out of life, I should merely have provided for dying in the throes of illness or vexed by old age, the sink into which all distresses flow, unrelieved by any joy.
[9]
As Heaven is my witness, Hermogenes,” he had gone on, “I shall never court that fate; but if I am going to offend the jury by declaring all the blessings that I feel gods and men have bestowed on me, as well as my personal opinion of myself, I shall prefer death to begging meanly for longer life and thus gaining a life far less worthy in exchange for death.”
[10]
Hermogenes stated that with this resolve Socrates came before the jury after his adversaries had charged him with not believing in the gods worshipped by the state and with the introduction of new deities in their stead and with corruption of the young, and replied:
[11]
“One thing that I marvel at in Meletus, gentlemen, is what may be the basis of his assertion that I do not believe in the gods worshipped by the state; for all who have happened to be near at the time, as well as Meletus himself, — if he so desired, — have seen me sacrificing at the communal festivals and on the public altars.
[12]
As for introducing ‘new divinities,’ how could I be guilty of that merely in asserting that a voice of God is made manifest to me indicating my duty? Surely those who take their omens from the cries of birds and the utterances of men form their judgments on ‘voices.’ Will any one dispute either that thunder utters its ‘voice,’ or that it is an omen of the greatest moment? Does not the very priestess who sits on the tripod at Delphi divulge the god’s will through a ‘voice’?
[13]
But more than that, in regard to God’s foreknowledge of the future and his forewarning thereof to whomsoever he will, these are the same terms, I assert, that all men use, and this is their belief. The only difference between them and me is that whereas they call the sources of their forewarning ‘birds,’ ‘utterances,’ ‘chance meetings,’ ‘prophets,’ I call mine a ‘divine’ thing; and I think that in using such a term I am speaking with more truth and deeper religious feeling than do those who ascribe the gods’ power to birds. Now that I do not lie against God I have the following proof: I have revealed to many of my friends the counsels which God has given me, and in no instance has the event shown that I was mistaken.”
[14]