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Authors: Michael Phillips

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 49 
A New First Lord of the Admiralty

Charles Rutherford took a sip of tea and continued in the magazine editorial he was reading concerning the state of the world.

It would hardly do for the French and Germans to rattle their sabres too violently along the banks of the Rhine or the Mosel, though their deepest grievances originate in these debated regions between them. Apparently they intend instead to allow their natural antipathy for one another to clash in parts of the world a little more removed from each of their homelands.

This antagonism grows steadily more pronounced in North Africa, especially Morocco, where German and French colonial and commercial interests have often collided. It was in Morocco that the major crisis erupted in 1905, which many European leaders now see as the foundational prelude to recent mounting tensions.

Great Britain, still trying to accustom herself to the strange notion of thinking about France in a friendly manner, sided on that occasion with her new ally against the ancient empire of the revered queen's people.

Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany expressed shock and profound offence. Were not the royals of England of his own family? Was not Victoria, after all, a German? The British monarchy is German through and through. Had not the kaiser's own mother maintained
apartments in Windsor Castle? How
could
Britain side with their longtime mutual enemy—the French frogs!

The crisis in Morocco gave dark portent of things to come. War in that instance was only averted by a conference of powers, in which President Theodore Roosevelt interceded from the United States for peace.

The Moroccan problem, however, was not solved, as we see now all too clearly.

What will be the result this time—another crisis averted, then another, and another? Or will hostilities eventually explode?

Charles set the magazine aside and sighed. That was the question on everyone's mind these days. With Germany and Austria increasingly belligerent, how long could war be put off?

Germany was more powerful than she had been in 1905. And with a new king on the throne, Kaiser Wilhelm had reason to be confident that England would not oppose him again. Edward the Encircler, as the kaiser had called the English king, was dead. A few days prior to the funeral, the German emperor had said to Theodore Roosevelt that the new English king George was “a very nice boy.” With Edward out of the way, Wilhelm considered himself the supreme ruler in Europe.

Again France and Germany clashed in North Africa, this time even more seriously. Following a palace revolution in Morocco, French troops entered the capital city of Fez to protect Europeans living there. Germany protested, saying that France had violated the 1905 agreement. Not to be outdone, and feeling increasingly confident in its growing naval power, she sent the gunboat
Panther
to Agadir on July 1, stating that Germany must likewise protect
its
interests. The Panther was poised to open fire if the command came from Berlin.

But the alliance between England and France had deepened since 1905. Proximity and increasing common interests were thrusting the ancient enemies closer and closer together. Again Britain sided with France. Her threats to Germany were even more strongly worded than before.

Within days of this new crisis British Brigadier General Henry Wilson sailed to Paris. A hastily concluded agreement was reached with French leaders, which detailed how British and French divisions would conduct themselves against Germany if war came over the incident. The question in the diplomatic and military rooms in London during the summer of 1911 was a simple one:
Would
Germany go to war against France and England over its minimal holdings in Africa?

In late August, Prime Minister Asquith called an all-day secret meeting of the Imperial Defence Committee in order to clarify British
strategy in case of war. Throughout the morning General Wilson laid out the army position according to the terms of his agreement with the French. All afternoon Admiral Arthur Wilson presented the navy's plans.

The army planned to land six divisions across the Channel in northern France and Belgium to aid the French forces in combatting the predicted swift German attempt to encircle Paris from the north. The navy, however, basing its strategy on an entirely opposite series of assumptions, told the prime minister of its plan to land an expeditionary force on the northern shores of Prussia six hundred miles away.

“Gentlemen,” said Asquith, shaking his head almost in disbelief. “Your two strategies have nothing whatever in common. I am astonished. Have you even consulted together?”

A bitter argument ensued between the army and navy, each trying to convince the prime minister of the soundness of its plan. One of the most outspoken men in the meeting held no military post at all. His insights, however, were sound and his military acumen keen.

The home secretary, a young man of a mere thirty-seven years, now spoke up vigorously. He was especially critical of the navy, but dared confront generals and admirals alike, all old enough to be his father.

Eventually the army carried the day. Prime Minister Asquith sided with his generals over his admirals. Furthermore, as a result of their talk of a Prussian landing, his confidence in the leaders of the British navy was profoundly shaken.

Within weeks of the meeting, a wholesale restructuring of naval leadership had taken place. The knowledgeable home secretary was transferred to a post where Asquith felt he could be more valuable to the country in the critical days ahead—First Lordship of the Admiralty.

At thirty-seven, Winston Churchill was now in charge of the mightiest fleet in the world.

As the crisis in Morocco dragged on, Italy meanwhile decided that she too deserved a portion of the receding Ottoman Empire. Taking advantage of the preoccupation of Britain, France, and Germany with Morocco, Italy declared war on Turkey in September. Immediately she seized Tripoli and the Dodecanese Islands.

Further hostilities, it seemed, might be likely to break out anywhere.

 50 
Another Curious Invitation

Sir Charles Rutherford read for the third time the letter and invitation which had arrived earlier that day. He already had a pretty good idea what he intended to do. But the invitation was addressed to them both, so he needed to discuss it with Jocelyn. He rose and went downstairs.

Dear Charles, the letter began.

I sincerely hope you and your dear wife will be able to accept the enclosed invitation. I am aware not all your concerns were satisfactorily addressed when we met previously. However, I am confident that the more you learn concerning our purposes, the more you will find yourself in agreement with our objectives. Others who share our concerns will be in attendance, and I believe you will find both the event itself and the discussions it affords to be most stimulating, as well as illuminating with regard to some of the questions you raised at our last gathering.

I am sincerely yours,
Dr. Morley Redmond

The invitation itself was formal and disclosed few particulars other than time and place, which again, was located in Cambridgeshire:

3 October, 1911

Sir Charles and Lady Rutherford

H. Barclay, Esquire, and friends

request the pleasure of your company at an Evening Party,

Heathwood Green Estate,

Little Wilbraham, Cambridgeshire,

on Saturday, 14 September.

An answer will oblige.

Dancing.

Jocelyn read the two communications and handed the sheets back to Charles.

“A formal ball is not exactly something I would look forward to,” she said. “But I would go for your sake. It might even be fun to dress up and dance with you again. We probably wouldn't know anybody anyway.”

“This is more than a social occasion, Jocie,” said Charles. “I don't know what it is, but these people are up to something.”

“Does it feel as strange to you as it does to me?” she asked.

“It is certainly beginning to.”

“Do you really think they are trying to get you to join their group?”

“It seems that way. Whatever it is, they are doing all they can to win my confidence without divulging anything specific.”

“And you still don't know why?”

“No,” replied Charles, shaking his head. “I can't imagine why they are so intent about it. I am not an influential man. What could they possibly want with me? They are so vague about everything. It almost feels like a lodge or some secretive rite.”

“I like the sound of it less and less,” said Jocelyn with a shudder.

“But they're so hospitable. When you're actually with them, sitting talking informally, everything seems so normal.”

“But wherever there are secrets, that is a warning sign that all is not as it should be.”

Charles nodded his head. “But neither are they the kind of people you can ignore,” he sighed. “It feels like they are trying to force me to take one side or the other, without divulging what their side is all about. Once they've set their sights on you, neutrality doesn't seem to be an option.”

“What are you going to do?” Jocelyn asked. “Will you reply?”

“Only with polite regrets that we will not be attending,” replied Charles.

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