Vienna, 1814: How the Conquerors of Napoleon Made Love, War, and Peace at the Congress of Vienna (69 page)

Tsar Alexander and Emperor Francis exchange on Metternich and their deteriorating relations, that made some fear that the tsar would soon leave Vienna, Eynard (1914–1924), I, 86–87. Tsar Alexander wanted Metternich to be sacked, and his plans for taking the matter up with Francis, Agent ** to Hager, October 28, 1814,
DCV,
I, no. 598. Rosenkrantz also heard of the tsar’s attempts to overthrow Metternich, his information coming from one of Metternich’s assistants, Hudelist,
Journal,
November 6, 1814 (1953), 67. Castlereagh also denounced the tsar’s diplomacy and “his habit to be his own minister” comes from a letter to Liverpool, November 5, 1814,
BD,
CXXV, 222. Many agreed, including Count Münster in his dispatch, November 27, 1814,
Political Sketches of the State of Europe, 1814–1867
:
Containing Count Ernst Münster’s Despatches to the Prince Regent from the Congress of Vienna
(1868), 190. King of Prussia’s “blind attachment” to the tsar, and the Prussian officials hoping for another approach, even if it meant yielding on Saxony, Talleyrand rightly suspected in a letter to Louis XVIII, October 31, 1814,
TLC
, 103. King of Prussia nickname as tsar’s “valet de chambre,” Agent ** to Hager, November 14, 1814,
DCV,
I, no. 768.

C
HAPTER
14. D
INNER WITH THE
T
SAR

Public opinion about the congress was falling low for many reasons: Frustration and confusion about its ending and beginning, report to Hager, October 15,
DCV,
I, no. 387, and slow progress, Piquot to X, intercepted, October 19, 1814, no. 452, just one of many reports expressing this sentiment. Agent B on criticism of too many parties and preference for different city, October 25, 1814, no. 533. The king of Prussia’s displeasure at the congress, and words “we seem only to be here…” cited by San Marzan,
Diario,
October 22, 1814, lix. The French plenipotentiary Dalberg, for one, blamed both Metternich and the tsar, Agent **, October 7, 1814, no. 304. Metternich’s fall was predicted, and desired by many, Agent ** reported to Hager October 15, 1814, no. 384. Agent ** was particularly interested in this question, and filed many reports on the fluctuations in public opinion.

On the imminent disintegration of congress and fear of war, report to Hager, October 20, 1814,
DCV,
I, no. 459. Departures of sovereigns already rumored, intercepted letter from Bellio, October 15, 1814, no. 446, and the fear of no congress at all, Eynard, October 29, 1814,
Journal,
75. Conditions worsening, Eynard, November 3, 1814 (1914–1924), 86, Rosenkrantz, November 2, 1814,
Journal,
61. “No one knows what to believe, or who to believe,” Agent Nota to Hager, October 23, 1814, no. 496. Talleyrand’s frustration with Castlereagh can be seen in many letters at this time, such as Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII, October 17, 1814,
TLC,
60–61, Metternich, Castlereagh and Prussia in his letter to the Duchess of Courland, October 19, 1814,
TLI,
58.

Castlereagh claimed to be aware of the risks of his Prussian policy, Castlereagh to Wellington, October 25, 1814,
BD,
CXXII, 218–219, though he placed confidence in the Prussian cabinet, Castlereagh to Wellington, October 25, 1814,
BD,
CXXII, 218, and also
WSD,
IX, 372. He also brushed aside the risks of a strong Prussia as a “secondary danger” relative to the threat of renewed French aggression, Castlereagh to Wellington, October 1, 1814,
CC,
X, 144–145, and whole letter, 142–145. The words “France need never dread a German league…” came from Castlereagh’s letter to Wellington, October 25, 1814,
CC,
X, 175.

Talleyrand urging Castlereagh to open the congress, and how that would stop the tsar, comes from Talleyrand to Louis XVIII, October 25, 1814,
TLC,
91. Metternich’s conference with Talleyrand, and the meeting of the Committee of Eight on the thirtieth of October, Talleyrand to Louis XVIII, October 31, 1814,
TLC,
108; its duration, Gentz,
Tagebücher,
October 30, 1814 (1873), I, 325. See also
Le Congrès de Vienne et les traités de 1815
(1864), II, 358ff, with Nesselrode’s objection on 362, and a discussion of this meeting in Kraehe’s
Metternich’s German Policy
(1963–1983), II, 227–228. Intrigues hatched at masked ball, and not all romantic affairs, Baronne du Montet (1904), noted under the entry November 6, 1814, 113. The bribery scene is discussed by McGuigan,
Metternich and the Duchess
(1975), 391. The attempt is, of course, like many intrigues, debatable. The English delegate Cooke is our best source for it,
WSD,
IX, 473. Other tantalizing though by no means conclusive references are found here and there, including Stein, who was then working for the Russian delegation and noted the tsar’s attempt to use the Duchess of Sagan to influence Metternich, in his entry in his
Tagebuch
for the period October 29–November 7, 1814,
Briefe und amtliche Schriften,
V (1964), 331.

Talleyrand voiced suspicions that Castlereagh was not following the goals of Britain’s prince regent, Talleyrand to Louis XVIII, October 25, 1814, 91–92. Confirmation from the Duke of Wellington, Louis XVIII sent back in a dispatch dated two days later, 96, and a longer report, November 9, 1814, 122–126. He was correct, as seen in the later correspondence between Liverpool and Castlereagh. Webster called Castlereagh’s move “direct defiance,”
The Foreign Policy of Castlereagh, 1812–1815: Britain and the Reconstruction of Europe
(1931), 371, and Rory Muir,
Britain and the Defeat of Napoleon, 1807–1815
(1996), 337–338.

The early-November dinner was described by Talleyrand, who received his information from the tsar’s adviser Czartoryski, November 12, 1814, 127–128, Rosenkrantz, November 11, 1814 (1953), 73–74, noting the tsar’s treatment of Hardenberg in the “most violent manner” with reference, here, to the fears for the chancellor’s health. His information came from members of both Russian delegation (Razumovsky) and the Austrian (Hudelist), November 6, 1814, 66–67. Stein likewise reported how the tsar had hurt Hardenberg,
Tagebuch,
in an undated entry between October 29, and November 7, 1814,
Briefe und amtliche Schriften,
V (1964), 332. “It is not enough” is in McGuigan (1975), 394. Hardenberg’s words on the king being wrong, November 6, 1814,
Tagebücher und autobiographische Aufzeichnungen
(2000), 804, and his usual “charming conversation” at dinner, Countess Bernstorff, who admired her uncle,
Ein Bild aus der Zeit von 1789 bis 1835: Aus ihren Aufzeichnungen
(1896), I, 163. Metternich’s denial of the tsar’s accusation and the scene are also McGuigan,
Metternich and the Duchess
(1975), 393–394, and 395. Gentz learned of the result, a Prussian move, or what he called “treachery” on the stairway at Lord Stewart’s ball on Monday, November 7,
Tagebücher,
327–328. The story was confirmed by Metternich two days later, November 9, 328.

C
HAPTER
15. P
URSUING
P
HANTOMS

Baron Franz von Gärtner’s intercepted letter to Count Erbach is in
DCV,
II, no. 2396. Napoleon’s first night at the town hall, and hunt for a house, along with the smells, Robert Christophe,
Napoleon on Elba,
trans. Len Ortzen (1964), 38. Il Mulini, and the motives for selection, Norman Mackenzie,
The Escape from Elba: The Fall and Flight of Napoleon, 1814–1815
(1982), 77–78, and Christophe (1964), 42–43, 53–55. Impatience to move in, during the renovations, Christophe, 55. Wet paint and other surroundings, André Pons de l’Hérault,
Souvenirs et anecdotes de l’île d’Elbe
(1897), 147; Paul Gruyer,
Napoleon King of Elba
(1906), 63. The heat, or “natural sun-traps,” is in J. M. Thompson,
Napoleon Bonaparte
(1952), 397. Napoleon’s feelings of insecurity on the island, August Fournier,
Napoleon the First: A Biography,
trans. Margaret Bacon Corwin and Arthur Dart Bissell (1903), 680, and Mackenzie (1982), 77.

Napoleon’s fear of pirates was noted by Captain Thomas Ussher, “Napoleon’s Deportation to Elba,” published in
Napoleon’s Last Voyages, being the Diaries of Admiral Sir Thomas Ussher, R.N., K.C.B. (on board the “Undaunted”) and John R. Glover, Secretary to Rear Admiral Kockburn (on board the “Northumberland”)
(1895), 84, and the journal of Neil Campbell, published in
Napoleon at Fontainebleau and Elba; Being a Journal of Occurrences in 1814–1815
(1869), 156. The Allied powers had, of course, also pledged to use “good offices” to make sure pirates respected Napoleon’s flag and territory, in Article V of the Treaty of Fontainebleau, but Napoleon was skeptical of their intent to honor it. Napoleon’s fear, too, was that pirates might be paid by enemies to abduct him, Mackenzie (1982), 164. Napoleon’s Guard arrive Campbell (1869), 241. Ussher (1895), 76–78. Mackenzie (1982), 93–94, 97, and also Christophe, who interviewed an old woman who heard the story of their arrival from her grandfather (1964), 76–77.

Drouot, Cambronne, and Bertrand’s views on Elba, Mackenzie (1982), 137, Drouot as “the Wise Man of the Grand Army,” Christophe (1964), 15, and more on character, 70–71, along with Bertrand and Cambronne here as well as on 77–78. Cambronne as “a desperate uneducated ruffian,” Campbell (1869), 370. The Elban navy is in Mackenzie (1982), 98–99. Napoleon’s letters to Marie Louise at Vienna, and also use of General Bertrand and Méneval, III, 285–289. “Each day there was a fresh story” comes from Méneval (1894), III, 319, with the empress’s writing habits and views expressed in five selected letters to Méneval, III, 294–300. More on Napoleon and Marie Louise at this time, 217ff, her love for him, 220; daily life at Schönbrunn can be followed in many police reports that autumn until the surveillance was suspended in early December, Agent ** to Hager, December 2, 1814, I, no. 958 (see also Hager to Emperor, November 30, 1814, I, no. 927), though they soon resumed again. Marie Louise’s riding, learning Italian, and drawing, among other things, in Méneval (1894), III, 279–283, and 314ff. Neipperg chosen as her escort, Méneval (1894), III, 282, and police agents noting Neipperg as an excellent choice, Agent ** to Hager, October 24, 1814,
DCV,
I, no. 499. Neipperg’s instructions, Castelot, 513, and “any means” clearly included physical, Mackenzie (1982), 131. Neipperg and Marie Louise affair by late August, Mackenzie, 133–134, or late September, Palmer (2001), 188. Description of the general, including black eye patch and Hungarian uniform, 291–292. “Prince Metternich’s great agent in seduction” Méneval, (1894), III, 398. On Count Neipperg, an article on the occasion of his death appeared in
Revue Britannique,
February 1829, reprinted in the appendix to Méneval (1894), III, 509ff. The Prince de Ligne as one of the most frequent visitors, Baron Méneval (1894), III, 313. Description of the former king of Rome is in many sources, including Carl Bertuch’s
Tagebuch,
November 19, 1814 (1916), 57. Little Napoleon as a stubborn child, reported by Dr. Frank, Agent ** to Hager, December 24, 1814, no. 1141.

Metternich’s masked ball on November 8,
MSB,
November 8, 1814, 328. Description of the décor and the switch of masks, McGuigan (1975), 397, the Venetian coats in San Marzan, November 8, 1814, lxi, and the dresses, the ornaments in hair, and Lady Castlereagh’s costume are in Thürheim,
Mein Leben: Erinnerungen aus Österreichs Grosser Welt, 1788–1819
(1913), II, 109. Other costumes, including an English jockey, Stolberg-Wernigerode heard from friends who had been invited,
Tagebuch über meinen Aufenthalt in Wien zur Zeit des Congresses
(2004), 91. The evening seemed magical to Carl Bertuch (1916), 50. Humboldt missing the ball, letter to Caroline, November 9, 1814, Anna von Sydow, ed.,
Wilhelm und Caroline von Humboldt in ihren Briefen
(1910), IV, 411. “Everything is still so completely changed…”
MSB,
258, though not in July as listed, but rather the autumn, as McGuigan correctly pointed out (1975), no. 70, 546 and translated, 381. “My health: there is no question of it,” Metternich to the Duchess of Sagan, November 1, 1814,
MSB,
270, and McGuigan (1975), 388–389.

Italy under Napoleon, see Michael Broers,
The Napoleonic Empire in Italy, 1796–1814
(2005), as well as Rath’s
The Fall of the Napoleonic Kingdom of Italy (1814
) (1941), and Murat,
Jean Tulard
(1999). Napoleon’s looting is in Dorothy Mackay Quynn’s “The Art Confiscations of the Napoleonic Wars,”
AHR,
vol. 50, no. 3 (April, 1945), 450; Paul Schroeder’s “Napoleon’s Foreign Policy: A Criminal Enterprise,”
Journal of Military History,
vol. 54 (199), 147–161; and Charles Saunier’s
Les Conquêtes Artistiques de la révolution et de l’empire: reprises et abandons des alliés en 1815
(1902). My account of the Prussian occupation is based on several sources: Saxon minister waiting at French embassy with news, Talleyrand to Louis XVIII, November 17, 1814, 149. Prince Repnin’s declaration, November 8, 1814,
Le Congrès de Vienne et les traités de 1815
, II, 413–414. Prussian seizure as a “scandalous transaction,” King’s Ambassadors at the Congress to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, no. 13A, November 17, 1814,
TLC,
317–318. Talleyrand on the “last excrement” is in Georg Nørregaard’s
Danmark og den Wienerkongressen 1814–1815
(1948), 118. Rumors of this surfaced in Vienna, in many spy reports and intercepted letters from late October, particularly from the Swedish delegation (468, 486, 546–548, 506). The king of Saxony had declared his intention not to yield any of his territory, November 4, 1814,
Le Congrès de Vienne et les traités de 1815
, II, 401–403. Wrede on Saxony loss as “precursor to the inevitable ruin of Bavaria,” report to Hager, November 26, 1814,
DCV,
I, no. 900. Effects of Prussian march into Saxony on Metternich and Castlereagh, including the absolute wording when “purely conditional,” Talleyrand to Louis XVIII, November 17, 1814,
TLC,
150.