Triumph and Tragedy (The Second World War) (28 page)

The battle also raged literally underground. The only means of communication between the different sectors held by the Poles lay through the sewers. The Germans threw hand

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grenades and gas bombs down the manholes. Battles developed in pitch-darkness between men waist-deep in excrement, fighting hand to hand at times with knives or drowning their opponents in the slime. Above ground German artillery and fighters set alight large areas of the city.

I thought that some of this tale of villainy and horror should reach the world.

Prime Minister (Italy)

23 Aug. 44

to

Minister

of

Information

Is there any stop on the publicity for the facts about
the agony of Warsaw, which seem, from the papers, to
have been practically suppressed? It is not for us to
cast reproaches on the Soviet Government, but surely
the facts should be allowed to speak for themselves?

There is no need to mention the strange and sinister
behaviour of the Russians, but is there any reason why
the consequences of such behaviour should not be
made public?

The President now replied to my telegram:
President Roosevelt

24 Aug. 44

to Prime Minister

Thanks for your telegram describing the inhuman
behaviour of the Nazis and the dreadful situation of the
Poles in Warsaw.

Stalin’s reply to our joint proposal for assisting the
Warsaw Poles is far from encouraging.

The supply by us of the Warsaw Poles is, I am
informed, impossible unless we are permitted to land
and take off from Soviet airfields. Their use for the relief
of Warsaw is at present prohibited by the Russian
authorities.

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172

I do not see what further steps we can take at the
present time that promise results.

I replied next day:

Prime Minister to

25 Aug. 44

President Roosevelt

As Stalin’s reply evades the definite questions asked
and adds nothing to our knowledge, I propose a reply
on the following lines:

“We earnestly desire to send U.S. aircraft from
England. Is there any reason why the refuelling ground
assigned to us behind the Russian lines should not be
used by them to land on without inquiry as to their
activities on the way? In this way your Government
could preserve the principle of dissociation from this
particular episode. We feel confident that if disabled
British or American aircraft come down behind the lines
of your armies your usual consideration will ensure their
being succoured. Our sympathies are aroused for these

‘almost unarmed people’ whose special faith has led
them to attack German tanks, guns, and planes, but we
are not concerned to form a judgment about the
persons who instigated the rising, which was certainly
called for repeatedly by Moscow Radio. We cannot
think that Hitler’s atrocities will end with their resistance,
but rather that that is the moment when they will
probably begin with full ferocity. The Warsaw massacre
will certainly be a matter fraught with trouble for us
when we all meet at the end of the war. We therefore
propose to send the aircraft unless you directly forbid it.”

In the event of his failing to reply to this my feeling is
that we ought to send the planes and see what
happens. I cannot believe that they would be ill-treated
or detained. Since this was signed I have seen that the
Russians are even endeavouring to take away your
airfields which are located at Poltava and elsewhere
behind their lines.

The reply was adverse.

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173

President Roosevelt

26 Aug. 44

to Prime Minister

I do not consider it would prove advantageous to the
long-range general war prospect for me to join with you
in the proposed message to Stalin, but I have no
objection to your sending such a message if you
consider it advisable to do so. In arriving at this
conclusion I have taken into consideration Uncle J.’s
present attitude towards the relief of the Underground
forces in Warsaw, as indicated in his message to you
and to me, his definite refusal to allow the use by us of
Russian airfields for that purpose, and the current
American conversations on the subject of the
subsequent use of other Russian bases.

I had hoped that the Americans would support us in drastic action. On September 1 I received the Polish Premier, Mikolajczyk, on his return from Moscow. I had little comfort to offer. He told me that he was prepared to propose a political settlement with the Lublin Committee, offering them fourteen seats in a combined Government. These proposals were debated under fire by the representatives of the Polish Underground in Warsaw itself. The suggestion was accepted unanimously. Most of those who took part in these decisions were tried a year later for “treason” before a Soviet court in Moscow.

When the Cabinet met on the night of September 4 I thought the issue so important that though I had a touch of fever I went from my bed to our underground room. We had met together on many unpleasant affairs. I do not remember any occasion when such deep anger was shown by all our members, Tory, Labour, Liberal, alike. I should have liked to say, “We are sending our aeroplanes to land in your territory, after delivering supplies to Warsaw. If you Triumph and Tragedy

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do not treat them properly all convoys will be stopped from this moment by us.” But the reader of these pages in after-years must realise that everyone always has to keep in mind the fortunes of millions of men fighting in a world-wide struggle, and that terrible and even humbling submissions must at times be made to the general aim. I did not therefore propose this drastic step. It might have been effective, because we were dealing with men in the Kremlin who were governed by calculation and not by emotion.

They did not mean to let the spirit of Poland rise again at Warsaw. Their plans were based on the Lublin Committee.

That was the only Poland they cared about. The cutting off of the convoys at this critical moment in their great advance would perhaps have bulked in their minds as much as considerations of honour, humanity, decent commonplace good faith, usually count with ordinary people. The telegrams which follow show the best that we thought it wise to do.

Prime

Minister

4 Sept. 44

(London)

to

President Roosevelt

The War Cabinet are deeply disturbed at the
position in Warsaw and at the far-reaching effect on
future relations with Russia of Stalin’s refusal of airfield
facilities.

2. Moreover, as you know, Mikolajczyk has sent his
proposals to the Polish Committee of Liberation for a
political settlement. I am afraid that the fall of Warsaw
will not destroy any hope of progress, but will fatally
undermine the position of Mikolajczyk himself.

3. My immediately following telegrams contain the
text of a telegram which the War Cabinet in their
collective capacity have sent to our Ambassador in
Moscow, and also of a message which the women of
Warsaw have communicated to the Pope and which
has been handed by the Vatican to our Minister.

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4. The only way of bringing material help quickly to
the Poles fighting in Warsaw would be for United States
aircraft to drop supplies, using Russian airfields for the
purpose. Seeing how much is in jeopardy, we beg that
you will again consider the big stakes involved. Could
you not authorise your air forces to carry out this
operation, landing, if necessary, on Russian airfields
without their formal consent? In view of our great
successes in the West, I cannot think that the Russians
could reject this fait accompli. They might even
welcome it as getting them out of an awkward situation.

We would of course share full responsibility with you for
any action taken by your Air Force.

Prime

Minister

to

4 Sept. 44

President Roosevelt

Following is text of telegram sent to Moscow this
evening, mentioned in my immediately preceding
telegram:

“The War Cabinet at their meeting today considered
the latest reports of the situation in Warsaw, which
show that the Poles fighting against the Germans there
are in desperate straits.

“The War Cabinet wish the Soviet Government to
know that public opinion in this country is deeply moved
by the events in Warsaw and by the terrible sufferings
of the Poles there. Whatever the rights and wrongs
about the beginnings of the Warsaw rising, the people
of Warsaw themselves cannot be held responsible for
the decision taken. Our people cannot understand why
no material help has been sent from outside to the
Poles in Warsaw. The fact that such help could not be
sent on account of your Government’s refusal to allow
United States aircraft to land on aerodromes in Russian
hands is now becoming publicly known. If on top of all
this the Poles in Warsaw should now be overwhelmed
by the Germans, as we are told they must be within two
or three days, the shock of public opinion here will be
incalculable. The War Cabinet themselves find it hard
to understand your Government’s refusal to take
account of the obligations of the British and American
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176

Governments to help the Poles in Warsaw. Your
Government’s action in preventing this help being sent
seems to us at variance with the spirit of Allied cooperation to which you and we attach so much
importance both for the present and the future.

“Out of regard for Marshal Stalin and for the Soviet
peoples, with whom it is our earnest desire to work in
future years, the War Cabinet have asked me to make
this further appeal to the Soviet Government to give
whatever help may be in their power, and above all to
provide facilities for United States aircraft to land on
your airfields for this purpose.”

Prime

Minister

to

4 Sept. 44

President Roosevelt

Following is text of message from women of Warsaw
referred to in my earlier telegram:

“Most Holy Father, we Polish women in Warsaw are
inspired with sentiments of profound patriotism and
devotion for our country. For three weeks, while
defending our fortress, we have lacked food and
medicine. Warsaw is in ruins. The Germans are killing
the wounded in hospitals. They are making women and
children march in front of them in order to protect their
tanks. There is no exaggeration in reports of children
who are fighting and destroying tanks with bottles of
petrol. We mothers see our sons dying for freedom and
the Fatherland. Our husbands, our sons, and our
brothers are not considered by the enemy to be
combatants. Holy Father, no one is helping us. The
Russian armies which have been for three weeks at the
gates of Warsaw have not advanced a step. The aid
coming to us from Great Britain is insufficient. The
world is ignorant of our fight. God alone is with us. Holy
Father, Vicar of Christ, if you can hear us, bless us
Polish women who are fighting for the Church and for
freedom.”