To Kill a Tsar (36 page)

It seems unlikely the doctor offered any material assistance to the terrorists and in view of their attempt to murder him there can be no question of his maintaining any further contact. Mr Dobson has undertaken to keep Colonel Gonne informed of the doctor’s state of mind and movements. It is the firmly
held view of Lord Dufferin that the doctor should be allowed to continue with his work and that an attempt to bring a case against him based on the flimsiest of evidence would damage relations between our two countries. Furthermore, it would be the cause of some consternation in diplomatic and expatriate circles in the city.

Your Excellency may wish to consider the doctor’s family connection and close association with a number of influential people. I believe His Majesty met the doctor when he was visiting the survivors of the explosion at the palace and has sent him a message expressing his sympathy and appreciation.

To conclude, I emphasised to Lord Dufferin the unofficial nature of my representations and was assured by him that our conversation would go no further. It was agreed in the circumstances that it would be in everyone’s interests if the political nature of the assault on Dr Hadfield were suppressed and newspapers encouraged to report that he was set upon by common thieves. As Your Excellency observed, ‘This is a small cloud that might be left to pass.’

I have the honour to be, with the highest respect, Your Excellency’s humble and obedient servant,

Count Vyacheslav Konstantinovich von Plehve

Dobrshinsky looked up from the letter and caught the count’s eye.

‘It was a delicate business, as you can imagine, but I pride myself that no one could have managed it with more finesse,’ said von Plehve. ‘You can question the Englishman again, of course.’

‘I have, already. He had nothing more to say,’ Dobrshinsky replied.

‘I hope the terrorists have beaten some sense into him.’ The chief prosecutor reached across the desk to offer Dobrshinsky the cigarette box. ‘No?’ The count took one himself, rubbed it gently between his fingers then lit it, drawing in the sharp smoke with pleasure. ‘His Excellency, Count Loris-Melikov, is satisfied that we are making some progress at last, thanks to the Jew’s testimony.’

Dobrshinsky frowned and lifted an unsteady hand to his temple. ‘We’ve made arrests but most of the members of their executive committee are still at liberty.’

‘But not for long, Anton Frankzevich, I’m sure, not for long. I’ve told His Excellency that you have them in your sights,’ said von Plehve.

Dobrshinsky did not reply but gazed impassively across the desk at him. Was there a more unscrupulous cultivator of connections and influence than the chief prosecutor? he wondered.

‘I didn’t mention your fear that the terrorists have a well placed informer in the Third Section,’ von Plehve said, shifting uncomfortably in his chair. ‘I judged it something His Excellency does not need to be troubled with. I am confident you will find him soon.’

Dobrshinsky continued to stare at him, watching as he picked up his pen and put it down again then ground his cigarette into a brass ashtray.

‘Well?’ von Plehve said, irritably.

‘I can offer little hope of detecting the informer at present.’

‘Didn’t Goldenberg give you clues? What about the other prisoners?’

‘The little I have been able to tease from them adds nothing to our understanding. Goldenberg was able to help a little.’ Dobrshinsky paused and closed his eyes for a second, pressing two fingers against his temple again. ‘No. You see, I think there is only one man who knows the identity of the informer and that is Alexander Mikhailov.’

The chief prosecutor grunted crossly. ‘Well, can’t you find some way to trap the informer?’ he asked.

‘We’re looking into possibilities. Major Barclay is monitoring the activities of some of our agents,’ said Dobrshinsky, choosing his words carefully. Then, after a moment’s thought, ‘But Mikhailov is the key.’

‘I see.’ Von Plehve returned his gaze for a moment then rose abruptly to his feet to indicate the interview was over. But he paused at the study door with his chubby hand on the knob. ‘You speak a little Polish, Anton Frankzevich, don’t you?’

‘A little, yes.’

‘Are you familiar with the proverb,
Nieznajomość prawa szkodzi
? Ignorance is no sort of excuse. No? Actually, I think it is a peculiarly Russian sentiment.’ An easy little smile was playing on the count’s lips. ‘It pays for those of us in the tsar’s service to bear this proverb in mind at all times. I will inform His Excellency of your confidence that the investigation is progressing well.’

A footman helped Dobrshinsky into his coat and handed him his hat. A carriage was waiting on the street to take him to Fontanka 16 but he lingered in the count’s hall with an amused expression on his face. The pianist was still rehearsing for the soirée but he was now playing with seditious passion Chopin’s ‘Revolutionary Etude’.

OCTOBER 1880

T
he weeks Anna Kovalenko was to have spent in Kiev became months. The empress passed away, the emperor married again and the trees in the Tavrichesky were autumn oak brown, the birch and larch a rich yellow, by the time she was summoned to the capital once more. They had been lonely months, but months of activity. Student meetings, factory committees, speaking to the party’s programme, and always only one step ahead of the authorities. While she had been away The People’s Will had changed almost beyond recognition. Many old comrades had gone, arrested on information supplied by Goldenberg. In confusion and fear the party had become lethargic, its time and funds spent replacing those awaiting trial in the House of Preliminary Detention. The revolution seemed no closer than it had ever been and the death sentence against the tsar no more than an idle threat. Comrades with experience and fire like Anna and Vera Figner had been summoned back to the capital.

The printing family had abandoned the apartment on Podolskaya, after a neighbour began to grumble of strange banging and shunting noises, and rented rooms at the less salubrious end of the same street, close to the open sewer that was the Obvodny Canal, a stone’s throw from the gasworks.

Praskovia Ivanovskaia was in charge of the press now and there were new faces and new rules: no one to write or receive letters, no contact with other party members, no meetings, no
social gatherings. ‘Things are so bad, Anna, dear. Alexander Mikhailov is trying to prevent more losses.’

The executive committee was fortunate in Praskovia, for she obeyed without question. She was the daughter of a village priest and there was something of the religious ascetic in her manner and appearance. She had a plain face with dark hair that she dragged off her forehead and tied in a tight bun, short-sighted, with spectacles on a chain, a large mouth that turned down a little at the corners. Although she was only twenty-seven years old she dressed in black like a widow twenty years older. No one was prepared to sacrifice more for the party, and she was baffled when others did not show the same stubborn loyalty.

‘Olga has left Russia with Morozov,’ she told Anna when they were alone together in the apartment for the first time. ‘They’re living in Switzerland as if they were man and wife.’ She paused and leant forward to stare at Anna. ‘What is it? Why are you smiling?’

‘Olga used to say nothing should come before the party.’

‘And Morozov used to talk about the revolutionary spirit, the need to give up selfish love.’

‘Perhaps Olga can’t help herself,’ Anna replied quietly.

‘But it’s selfish. We pledged our love to the people and the party . . .’ Praskovia hesitated, but could not check the resentment that had been building inside her for months. ‘Things are not what they were, Anna. No one cares. Look at Sophia and Gesia Gelfman too. We used to be brothers and sisters . . . it’s sapping the will of the party.’ She closed her eyes and shook her head crossly: ‘It’s wrong.’

‘You don’t mean Sophia Perovskaya?’

‘Yes. Our Sophia. She’s sharing an apartment – a bed – a few streets from here with that bear Zhelyabov.’

Sophia Perovskaya. Anna’s friend Sophia. Sophia, the perfect revolutionary. The Sophia who instructed her to leave Petersburg because she was too intimately involved with a man. They had
all been so quick to preach, and she had wounded someone she cared for very deeply. If she had asked them why it was so very different for her they would simply have said he was ‘not one of us’. And she would have been forced to admit they were right. She tried not to think of him because looking back could serve no purpose. In her months of exile she had come to a quiet acceptance that she would be ruled by the party in all things for the good of the people.

It was Anna who found the cheese shop on the Malaya Sadovaya. A respectable address that would meet the party’s needs perfectly. The other premises in the street were occupied by smart residential blocks, prosperous merchants and the better sort of taverns. It was on the corner with Italyanskaya Street, only a few yards from the blue and white Petrine building where the chief prosecutor’s clerks prepared cases for trial.

On a blustery autumn afternoon, a sharp northeasterly chasing leaves along the street, she visited the building with Andrei Zhelyabov, rousing the dvornik from post-prandial slumber. A basement with a shopfront and counter, a living room and vaulted cellar, clean, a little damp, annual rent twelve hundred roubles. Subject, of course, to the usual police checks.

They made their report at a secure apartment on Voznesensky Prospekt the following morning. The sitting room was cramped and stiflingly hot and most of the executive committee was forced to sit on the floor. Alexander Mikhailov presided in one of the chairs. He nodded curtly at Anna but offered no sort of welcome. He had put on weight, the buttons of his waistcoat under strain, his beard not full enough to disguise the roll of flesh beneath his chin.

Vera Figner called to her, ‘Annushka,’ weaving across the room with her arms outstretched in welcome. And a moment later Sophia Perovskaya was at her side, reaching up to kiss her cheek.

‘I’ve missed you, Annushka. So much has happened while you were away.’

‘Yes. I’ve heard a little.’

Sophia noticed her smile of amusement and blushed. ‘We’re very happy,’ she said, glancing over to Zhelyabov.

‘And I’m happy for you, Sonechka,’ Anna replied.

‘Are you?’

‘Of course.’

Sophia leant confidentially close: ‘I’m not sure everyone feels the same way.’

She was on the point of saying more when Mikhailov clapped his hands and called the room to order. Zhelyabov was the first to speak, his back against the wall, gesturing animatedly, a powerful passionate figure: ‘We’re all agreed on this new campaign, I know. And we’re agreed that our best opportunity will be when the emperor is returning from the Sunday parade.’ Stepping to the table, he picked up a simple hand-drawn map of the city and held it up for them all to see. ‘The escort usually leaves the Mikhailovsky Manège and travels down Malaya Sadovaya, turning right on to Nevsky. But it can return to the palace along the Ekaterininsky Canal too. We will never know which way it’s going to go. If we want to make sure we must use grenades.’

A bombing party would move into position as soon as it knew the route, he explained; three bombers at intervals in case the first grenades failed to explode or missed the target: ‘There is one drawback . . .’

‘. . . the bomber doesn’t stand a very good chance of escape,’ Sophia said, completing his thought. He nodded slowly, a reflective frown on his face.

‘And who do you propose would lead this bombing party?’ Mikhailov asked quietly.

‘Me,’ said Zhelyabov with a shrug of his broad shoulders. ‘I can’t ask anyone else to do it.’

An uncomfortable silence settled on the room. Zhelyabov began rolling the map as if no debate were necessary. Sophia stared at him, her small round face stiff and impassive, but her hands turning in her lap. It was Mikhailov who spoke next.

‘I think we should consider the other option.’ He turned to Anna. ‘You’ve found a shop that might meet our requirements?’

She described the basement in the Malaya Sadovaya to them, venturing the opinion that it would be a simple task to drive a gallery beneath the street. Zhelyabov voiced objections, and it was only after an hour of heated wrangling that they reached agreement.

‘So we must try both,’ said Mikhailov. ‘If we manage to detonate the mine there’ll be no need for the bombing party, but with both we can be sure.’

The dvornik was sympathetic, and a picket had been posted in the street, but the committee had met for longer than was wise. Presuming the business to be over, its members began rising stiffly from the floor, stretching aching limbs, brushing dust from their skirts and trousers.

‘I’m sorry, but there’s one thing more.’ There was an ominous note in Mikhailov’s voice. ‘I have been told the prosecutor is going to demand the death sentence.’

No one spoke. No one moved. It was as if Mikhailov had thrown open the windows and a bitter wind had sucked the warmth from the room. Anna turned to Vera Figner and was shocked to find her close to tears, her hand trembling at her mouth.

‘Who are they going to condemn?’ Anna asked tentatively.

‘The city is alive with it, Annushka,’ Sophia replied. ‘They’ve arranged a show trial – Alexander Kviatkovsky, Evgenia and some of the others.’

‘They will try to make an example of Kviatkovsky, and perhaps Presnyakov too,’ Mikhailov added. ‘They found the plan of the palace in Kviatkovsky’s apartment.’

A man Anna did not recognise but from his bearing took to be a junior army officer demanded they attempt a rescue. No one bothered to reply. She took a step towards Vera and tried to put an arm about her shoulders.

Vera shook herself free. ‘No. It’s all right, really,’ but she looked cross, almost hostile, angry that anyone should witness a moment of weakness.

After the meeting broke up, Anna took her friend aside. ‘Evgenia will be all right, Verochka. They won’t execute a woman.’