The War of the Jewels (55 page)

In AB 2 (following AB 1) Hurin was released by Morgoth in the year 499 (IV.306, V.141), and 'he departed and sought for Morwen'; in the continuation of GA (p. 252) the year was 500, as here.

17. (Annal 501) In AB 2 (following AB 1) Hurin and his companions (described simply as 'men'; in Q, IV.132, as 'a few outlaws of the woods') came to Nargothrond in 500 (see note 16), whereas in this text, after his visit to Brethil, he sets out for Nargothrond in 501 and comes there in 502. The earlier sources do not say that he found Morwen (cf. the note written against the first continuation of GA, p. 252: 'Some fate of Morwen must be devised. Did Morwen and Hurin meet again?'), nor do they know of his attempting to return to Gondolin (see the end of the continuation of GA, pp. 254-5, where this is first referred to, though without mention of the discovery by Morgoth's spies of the region where Gondolin lay).

The story of Hurin in Brethil was now in existence and probably in its final form (see p. 269). - A first mention of Obel Halad, replacing Ephel Brandir, is found in a note pencilled on the typescript of NE (p. 148, $302).

18. (Annal 502) In AB 2 Tuor wedded Idri1 in 499 (V. 141); the date in The Tale of Years is (with some hesitation) 502 (pp. 346 ff.). On the bringing of the treasure of Nargothrond to Doriath see IV.188.

19. Only the following points in the WH version need be noted. After the words (p. 252) 'it suited the purpose of Morgoth that this should be so' my father added to the typescript later: 'and the needs of his body had been well served to this end'; and 'unless I find chance to avenge the wrongs of my children' (where GA has

'the wrongs of my son', p. 253) was changed to 'unless I find chance to hear more news of my kin, or to avenge their wrongs, if I may.' Where the GA continuation has Asgon and then Asgorn (note 4), WH has Asgorn, corrected to Asgon, and further on in the narrative Asgon as typed (see note 21). Eastrons of GA is here Easterlings. On the amanuensis typescript Hurin's words Tol acharn were corrected to Tul acharn.

20. The passage recounting Hurin's ignorance of what had happened in Gondolin to his crossing the Brithiach into Dimbar was a good deal changed at the time of typing, though for the most part this was a matter of rearrangement. Here the text as first typed read: He knew not the things that had come to pass there, since Tuor brought thither the message of Ulmo, as is yet to be told; and now Turgon, refusing the counsel of the Lord of Waters, allowed none to enter or to go forth for any cause whatsoever, hardening his heart against pity and wisdom.

Tuor had reached Gondolin in 495 (GA $299).

21. Asgon was an emendation of the name as typed, Asgorn. This was a regular change, until the form Asgon appears in the text as typed: I print Asgon throughout, except in passages that were rejected before the name was changed.

22. Here the text as first typed read:

Hurin came down from the sources of the Lithir, which fell tumbling into Sirion and was held to be the south bounds of the Narrow Land. There Sirion was already too wide and deep to cross, and too perilous for any but the young and hardiest to swim; so Hurin and his men journeyed on, seeking the fords of the Brithiach.

The name Lithir was written against a river already shown on the original form of the second map: p. 182, squares C 6 to D 7.

23. At this point there followed in the draft manuscript and in the typescript as first typed: 'and though this seemed to him to bode evil rather than good, after a time he grew less heedful.'

24. The name Ragnir is found also as that of a blind servant of Morwen's in Dor-lomin (Unfinished Tales p. 71). In a rejected phrase in the draft manuscript this companion of Asgon's is called 'Ragnir the tracker'.

25. Asgon supposed that the Lord of Brethil was still Brandir the Lame. Cf. what is said of Brandir's successor Hardang a little further on: 'he had no love now at all for the House of Hador, in whose blood he had no part.'

26. On Obel Halad see note 17.

27. Echoriad: the Encircling Mountains about Gondolin. The form Echoriath in the published Silmarillion derives from the later Tale of Tuor; but Echoriad here is much later.

28. The old story in the tale of The Fall of Gondolin (II.189) that those of the fugitives from the sack of Gondolin who fled to the Way of Escape were destroyed by a dragon lying in wait at its outer issue, a story that survived into Q (IV.144), had been abandoned, and was excluded from The Silmarillion on the basis of the present passage: see II.213, second footnote, and IV.194.

29. Cf. GA $161 (p. 57), of the escape of Hurin and Huor into Dimbar forty-three years before this time: they 'wandered in the hills beneath the sheer walls of the Crisaegrim. There Thorondor espied them, and sent two Eagles that took them and bore them up...'

30. At this point in the draft manuscript my father wrote: Later when captured and Maeglin wished to buy his release with treachery, Morgoth must answer laughing, saying: Stale news will buy nothing. I know this already, I am not easily blinded! So Maeglin was obliged to offer more - to undermine resistance in Gondolin.

Almost exactly the same note is found on the slip giving information about the new meaning of the name Haladin (p. 270); but here, after the words 'undermine resistance in Gondolin', my father continued: 'and to compass the death of Tuor and Earendel if he could. If he did he would be allowed to retain Idril (said Morgoth).'

Thus the story in Q was changed (IV.143):

[Meglin] purchased his life and freedom by revealing unto Morgoth the place of Gondolin and the ways whereby it might be found and assailed. Great indeed was the joy of Morgoth...

Both the present passage in WH (telling that Morgoth learned from Hurin's wandering 'in what region Turgon dwelt') and that from Q were used in the published Silmarillion (pp. 228, 242),

'the very place of Gondolin' for 'the place of Gondolin' being an editorial addition.

31. There was a series of alterations to the names of the men of Manthor's company near the Crossings of Taeglin (and some speeches were reassigned among the speakers). In the draft manuscript the names were Sagroth; Forhend son of Dorlas; and his friend Farang. In the typescript as typed they were Sagroth; Forhend; and his friend Farang son of Dorlas. The son of Dorlas is the one who, plays an important part in the story. By emendation to the typescript the statement that Farang was the friend of Forhend was removed, and - further on in the narrative

- the name Farang became Faranc; then, near the end of WH, it became Avranc, and this name was substituted throughout the text from his first appearance. I print throughout the final formulation only.

32. Sagroth was here emended to Galhir, but later Sagroth was reinstated. Galhir was perhaps intended to be another member of Manthor's company, rather than a replacement of the name Sagroth.

33. The footnote at this point was typed at the same time as the text.

The statement concerning Manthor's domain in the east of Brethil preceded that in the text C (p. 267): 'The region nigh Brithiach and along Sirion for some way was the land of Manthor'. Haldar was the son of Haldad, founder of the line, and twin brother of the Lady Haleth (p. 221, $25). With the last sentence cf. the plot-synopsis, p. 256: 'Brandir the lame is chosen Chieftain, though many would have preferred his cousins Hunthor or Hardang.' The whole footnote was struck through (before the emendation of Harathor to Hardang).

34. The term Haladin is used here, in a sentence that was rejected rather than corrected, in the original sense of the whole 'People of Haleth'.

35. With the use of the word town cf. p. 148, $302.

36. The word booth is used in the old sense of 'a temporary dwelling covered with boughs of trees or other slight materials' (O.E.D.).

My father may well have had in mind the Norse word bud, used in the Sagas especially of the temporary dwellings at the Icelandic parliament, and regularly rendered 'booth' in translations.

37. It is said also in the Narn plot-synopsis, of which a part is given on pp. 256 - 8, but at an earlier point (the year 472), that Haldir and Hundar were slain in the Nirnaeth, and that 'three only of their men were left alive, but Mablung of Doriath healed their wounds and brought them back.' See further pp. 236-7.

38. The draft manuscript has here:

'He must be wakeful tomorrow. It may be that better food is needed. Take care, or maybe the guards will have to stand before the Folk also.'

'What do you mean by that?' said the leader.

'Unriddle it as you will,' said Manthor.

39. 'and women' derives from the draft manuscript. Cf. the passage struck out on p. 279, concerning the summoning of wives to counsel according to the customs of Brethil.

40. Here and often subsequently Halad is an emendation of Warden; see the statement cited on p. 270, where Halad, plural Haladin, is translated 'warden(s)'. I give Halad in all these cases and do not record the changes.

41. There seems not to have been any specific reference previously to the passing out of common use of the old speech of the People of Haleth (where the draft manuscript has 'the old tongue of the Haladin', and also 'Moot of the Haladin'), and its replacement by

'the speech of Beleriand'.

42. The draft manuscript has here a passage depending on the story, still in being, of the captivity of Asgorn (Asgon) and his men (cf.

the rejected sentence in the typescript, p. 278: Hurin was shut in a cave 'nigh to the one in which Asgorn and his men were still imprisoned'):

'Let the first prisoners be brought before us! ' Then Asgorn and his companions were led in, with their hands bound behind them.

At that there was much murmuring; and [an old man >]

Manthor stood up. 'By your leave, Master and Folk,' he said. 'I would ask: why are these men in bonds?'

There is then a note: 'Harathor should conceal the fact that Asgorn &c. are still in durance, and Manthor should reveal why.'

Here the text stops, and begins on a new page with a draft for the changed story as found in the typescript text.

43. At this point the name Hardang, for Harathor, appears in the text as typed.

44. The draft manuscript has 'Be that as it may - ', i.e. Hardang's sentence was interrupted by Manthor.

45. An addition to the draft manuscript says: 'He [Dorlas] had also been Harathor's friend, and a scorner of Brandir while Harathor desired to oust him.' That Dorlas had been a friend of Hardang (Harathor) has been mentioned earlier, at the first appearance of Dorlas' son Avranc (p. 275): 'well-liked by Hardang, as his father had been.'

46. In the story of Dorlas' death in the last part of the Narn (NE) as told in the manuscript, Brandir retained his sword. It is said subsequently in that text that 'Brandir, seeing his death in Turin's face, drew his small sword and stood in defence'; and Turin

'lifted up Gurthang and struck down Brandir's sword, and smote him to death.' By changes made to the much later amanuensis typescript of NE the story was altered to that given in Unfinished Tales: Brandir cast down his sword after the slaying of Dorlas (p. 139), facing Turin 'he stood still and did not quail, though he had no weapon but his crutch', and the words 'struck down Brandir's sword' were removed (p. 143). It seems to me unlikely that my father would have made these changes, whereby Turin's murder of Brandir becomes even worse, in order to make Dorlas'

reputation seem more murky in the rumours current in Brethil: I believe that he made them precisely because he wished so to represent Turin in his encounter with Brandir - in which case, of course, the changes to the NE typescript had already been made when the present passage was written. Subsequently it was bracketed, from 'And dark tales were whispered concerning Dorlas', presumably implying doubt about its inclusion; and the matter is not referred to again.

47. 'hand and foot': an addition had been made earlier (p. 282) concerning the further fettering of Hurin on his wrists.

48. Galdor Orchal: 'Galdor the Tall'. The 'title' has not previously appeared in Elvish form.

49. With the rejected words 'and good wives' cf. note 39.

50. 'I would I had not hindered thy shooting': see p. 278.

51. The story of the events in the Moot-ring was told in the draft manuscript (written in ink over a pencilled text) in fairly close accord with the final form to the point where Hurin cries out on Harathor (as is still the name): 'Only hands, hands, are needed to wring such a throat full of lies'. Then follows: With that, in a fury, Hurin sprang off the Stone and made for Harathor. But Harathor fled before him, calling on his household men to gather round him; and at the gate he turned, crying: 'It is a lie that he speaks, Men of Brethil. He raves as ever. I knew naught of this till now!' In this he spoke the truth; but too late. In their wrath few of the assembly believed him.

(In the original pencilled text Harathor said more in his defence, using the argument given in the final form to Manthor (pp.

294-5): 'None of the Folk go ever to that stone, for the place is accursed. Not till now have I or any man or woman of the Folk heard tale of her coming to the stone.') At this point in the superimposed text in ink my father stopped, and wrote: 'Do not allow Harathor to defend himself. He flies in fear - and so seems to most of the Folk to acknowledge his guilt.'